A billion shekels for the trial of terrorists on October 7: Israel is preparing a process that should become historic

The Israeli government has approved a budget framework for the preparation and conduct of trials for Hamas terrorists involved in the massacre on October 7, 2023. The amount in question is over 1 billion shekels, which will be allocated for the period from 2026 to 2029. The funds will be directed to the Ministry of Defense and the IDF to create separate judicial, security, logistical, and technological infrastructure.

This is not an ordinary criminal case and not just another terrorism trial.

Israel faces a challenge the country has not encountered on such a scale before: bringing hundreds of participants in the largest mass murder of Jews since the Holocaust to trial, proving the personal guilt of each, giving victims a voice, and at the same time not turning the court into chaos of emotions, politics, and endless bureaucracy.

What exactly did the Israeli government approve

The decision was made on June 2, 2026. According to the approved plan, the budget will go towards preparing the judicial complex, premises for the prosecution, security systems, computer infrastructure, staffing, and supporting the process, which is expected to extend until 2029.

The amount seems enormous, but the scale of the case explains why it cannot be symbolic.

Hundreds of terrorists detained after the October 7 attack may find themselves in the dock. Among them are fighters from the ‘Nukhba’, Hamas’s elite unit, which participated in the border breach, attacks on kibbutzim, murders, kidnappings, and other crimes against civilians. According to Israeli and international publications, it could involve about 300-400 individuals, although the exact number depends on the investigation, qualifications, and future indictments.

Why this is not just ‘another trial’

On October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorists and other groups invaded Israeli territory by land, air, and sea. As a result, about 1,200 people were killed, most of them civilians, and 251 people were kidnapped and taken to Gaza.

Israeli society still lives within this trauma.

There are families waiting for the truth about the last minutes of their loved ones. There are survivors who will have to recount their experiences again. There are hostages who returned from captivity and families of those who did not return. There are soldiers, police officers, paramedics, ZAKA volunteers, kibbutz residents, Nova festival participants, residents of Sderot, Ofakim, and other localities whose testimonies will become part of a vast legal array.

Special court, death penalty, and the debate around the format

In May 2026, the Knesset passed a law creating a special military judicial framework for cases related to the October 7 attack. The vote passed with a rare result — 93 votes in favor and none against. The trials are to be held in Jerusalem, in an open format, with the possibility of public broadcasting and participation of victims.

This is a key point: the state wants not only to issue sentences but also to document the crimes.

For Israel, such a process will have not only legal significance. It will become part of national memory — as proof that the massacre on October 7 was not a ‘combat episode’, not ‘resistance’, and not a political abstraction, but a mass terrorist attack on people, families, children, the elderly, and peaceful settlements.

Is the death penalty possible

The topic of the death penalty has become one of the most sensitive parts of this case. In March 2026, the Knesset separately approved a law on the death penalty for terrorists, promoted, among others, by Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. This law sparked fierce debates in Israel and abroad, and human rights organizations have declared their intention to challenge it in the Supreme Court.

But in relation to the participants of the October 7 massacre, the legal structure is more complex than the simple formula ‘execute them all’.

The new judicial framework for the October 7 cases separately provides for the possibility of applying the death penalty within a special tribunal, but the final punishment will depend on the charges, evidence, composition of the court, appeals, and legal qualification of each defendant’s specific actions. International agencies also indicate that possible death sentences should undergo an appeals mechanism.

That is why the main task of the prosecution is not a loud statement, but an evidentiary base.

Where does the billion come from and why will the process be so expensive

A billion shekels is not just the walls of the future judicial complex. The money is needed for security, transportation of defendants, maintenance of detainees, medical support, interrogations, work of investigators, prosecutors, translators, technical specialists, archivists, IT systems, and security services.

The trial of the ‘Nukhba’ terrorists will require processing a huge amount of materials: surveillance camera footage, recordings from phones and bodycams of the terrorists themselves, testimonies of survivors, military data, police reports, materials on the kidnapped, forensic reports, and eyewitness testimonies.

Here, one cannot be limited to the general phrase ‘he was there’.

It is necessary to establish who exactly entered a specific house. Who shot. Who set fires. Who participated in the kidnapping. Who held hostages. Who raped, tortured, robbed, coordinated, filmed the crimes on video, or transmitted data to other participants in the attack.

Why the comparison with Nuremberg sounds but does not fully fit

The comparison with the Nuremberg Trials arises almost automatically: mass crime, historical trauma, the need to show the world documents, witnesses, and the mechanism of evil. But the Israeli task is, in some sense, even more detailed.

Nuremberg judged the top of the regime.

Israel must judge not only ideologues, commanders, and organizers but also specific perpetrators who physically entered homes, shot people, participated in kidnappings, and transmitted footage of violence as trophies.

For the Israeli audience, this is fundamental. For the families of the victims, the general formula ‘Hamas is guilty’ is not enough. They want to know who killed their loved ones, who gave the order, who filmed, who stood by, and who might try to hide behind the word ‘executor’ afterward.

This is where the meaning of an open trial appears.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views the future trial not as a technical procedure, but as part of Israel’s struggle for the right to truth. After October 7, the world too quickly began to argue about ‘context’, forgetting about the bodies in kibbutzim, burned houses, kidnapped children, murdered families, and people whom terrorists pursued not for form, but for the very fact of their Israeli and Jewish life.

An open trial is needed not only by Israel

If the court sessions are indeed public and documented, it will be an important response to those who are already trying to blur the memory of October 7.

In Israel, they well understand the price of denial. First, terrorists film crimes on cameras. Then their supporters call these shots ‘propaganda’. Then international activists demand ‘balance’ where it is about the mass murder of civilians.

The trial must proceed so that future deniers have as little room for manipulation as possible.

Not with slogans. Not with shouting. Not with revenge.

With evidence.

What will happen next

Until 2029, Israel will have to create infrastructure that will withstand not just one loud day in the headlines, but years of procedural work. This will be a difficult path: with legal disputes, international criticism, internal political clashes, and painful testimonies.

But the state, having survived October 7, has virtually no other path.

If Hamas terrorists turned the murder of Israelis into a spectacle for their cameras, Israel must respond not with the same spectacle, but with a trial where every frame, every voice, every document, and every verdict will carry weight.

For the families of the deceased, this will not bring back their loved ones.

For the survivors, it will not cancel the night that continues inside their memory.

But for the country, it can become a moment when pain turns into legally formalized truth. And such truth is needed by Israel no less than punishment.

LOBODA and the magic of Sanremo in Ashdod: ‘Sounds of the Sea’ turn into a Ukrainian-Italian evening under the open sky – June 13, 2026

13 июня 2026 года в Ашдоде пройдет один из самых заметных музыкальных вечеров начала израильского лета — фестиваль «Loboda and The magic of Sanremo — Звуки моря 2026». На сцене амфитеатра Ашдода соединятся два разных мира: выступление украинской певицы Светланы Лободы, известной как LOBODA, и международная программа The Magic of Sanremo, построенная вокруг классики итальянской эстрады.

Для израильской аудитории этот концерт интересен не только как афиша на летний вечер у моря. В нем есть сразу несколько смысловых линий: украинская артистка, которая после полномасштабного вторжения россии разорвала связи с российским рынком; Ашдод как город с большой русскоязычной и украинской аудиторией; и итальянская музыкальная традиция Сан-Ремо, хорошо знакомая нескольким поколениям слушателей.

Что пройдет в Ашдоде 13 июня

Фестиваль «Звуки моря» заявлен как большой вечер под открытым небом. Место проведения — амфитеатр Ашдод, одна из крупнейших летних площадок Израиля. Мероприятие состоится в субботу, 13 июня 2026 года, начало — в 21:00, продолжительность программы — около 2 часов 30 минут.

LOBODA и магия Сан-Ремо в Ашдоде: «Звуки моря» превращаются в украинско-итальянский вечер под открытым небом - 13 июня 2026 - новости Израиля
LOBODA и магия Сан-Ремо в Ашдоде: «Звуки моря» превращаются в украинско-итальянский вечер под открытым небом – 13 июня 2026 – новости Израиля

Главная музыкальная интрига вечера — сочетание LOBODA и The Magic of Sanremo. Это не стандартный сольный концерт и не обычный фестивальный сборный формат. Организаторы делают ставку на контраст: современная поп-сцена, визуальное шоу, сильная вокальная подача — и рядом с этим итальянская классика, оркестр, ностальгия по большим мелодиям Европы.

В публикации организаторов этот вечер описан как «стилистический коктейль», где современная поп-энергия встречается с итальянской эстрадной традицией. Такой формат может быть особенно близок израильской публике: здесь давно любят концерты, в которых соединяются разные языки, страны, культурные памяти и личные истории зрителей.

Кто выйдет на сцену в программе Sanremo

The Magic of Sanremo — это международное шоу, посвященное музыкальной атмосфере знаменитого итальянского фестиваля. В программе заявлены Джованни Скрибано, Лара Паскуали, Стефано Берсола и Мартина Стриано. Особенность этой части вечера — участие Оркестра камерной оперы, благодаря которому знакомые итальянские мелодии получат симфоническое звучание.

Для зрителей это может стать отдельным поводом прийти на концерт. Сан-Ремо — не просто телевизионный фестиваль. Для многих семей в Израиле, особенно среди выходцев из Европы и стран Средиземноморья, итальянская эстрада остается частью домашней музыкальной памяти: песни, которые звучали по радио, на пластинках, в старых телепередачах и семейных вечерах.

Почему фигура LOBODA важна именно сейчас

Светлана Лобода давно вышла за рамки статуса бывшей участницы «ВИА Гры». Ее сольная карьера строилась на яркой сценической подаче, сильной визуальной драматургии и умении соединять поп-музыку с театральным эффектом. Отдельно отмечают ее сценический почерк, где сочетаются лирический драматизм и экспрессия.

Но после 2022 года имя LOBODA стало связано не только с музыкой. Для украинской и израильской аудитории важен вопрос позиции артиста во время войны.

По данным материала Nikk.Agency, после начала полномасштабного вторжения россии в Украину в феврале 2022 года Лобода прекратила сотрудничество с Россией, перестала выступать в РФ, осталась жить в Латвии с детьми и занялась волонтерской деятельностью. В России ее “признали” «иноагентом».

Это важный контекст.

До 2022 года у Лободы действительно была сложная история взаимодействия с российским рынком: выступления, телевидение, крупные площадки, коммерческая поп-индустрия. Но после начала полномасштабной войны она резко оборвала связи с РФ. Именно этот поворот сегодня часто становится главным аргументом для тех, кто оценивает ее не только как артистку, но и как публичную фигуру.

Помощь Украине и волонтерские проекты

В материале Nikk.Agency рассказывается про благотворительную деятельность Лободы после начала полномасштабной войны. Среди указанных направлений — помощь фонду «Маша» Маши Ефросининой, поддержка латвийского фонда помощи украинским семьям, волонтерский штаб в Риге, Loboda Help Center, восстановление детского сада «Віночок» в Ирпене, помощь переселенцам, детям, животным и проектам восстановления жилья. Общая сумма благотворительной помощи, указанная в статье, — более 14 млн грн.

Для Израиля этот аспект не второстепенный. Здесь хорошо понимают, что война проверяет не только государства, но и людей публичной сцены. Особенно тех, кто годами работал на постсоветском пространстве и имел аудиторию по обе стороны границы.

НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency уже обращали внимание на то, что культурные события с участием украинских артистов в Израиле часто становятся больше, чем обычной афишей. Они показывают, где сегодня проходит граница между нейтральным развлечением и осознанной публичной позицией.

Ашдод, море и летняя сцена: почему этот вечер может собрать разную публику

Ашдод для такого концерта выбран не случайно. Это большой приморский город с сильной русскоязычной аудиторией, заметным украинским присутствием и привычкой к крупным летним событиям. Амфитеатр у моря добавляет концерту особую атмосферу: открытое пространство, вечерний воздух, сцена, рассчитанная не на камерный формат, а на большое эмоциональное шоу.

С одной стороны, на этот вечер могут прийти поклонники LOBODA, которые ждут ее хиты, сценическую энергию и современный звук.

С другой — программа Sanremo способна привлечь аудиторию, для которой важнее итальянская мелодика, живой оркестр и узнаваемая европейская музыкальная классика. Именно сочетание этих двух частей делает событие необычным: оно не замыкается на одном жанре и не обращается только к одной возрастной группе.

Музыка как пространство выбора

Концерт LOBODA и The Magic of Sanremo в Ашдоде можно воспринимать как красивое летнее событие. Но у него есть и более глубокий контекст.

После 2022 года украинские артисты, выступающие за границей, неизбежно оказываются внутри большого разговора о войне, памяти, ответственности и солидарности. Израильская публика это понимает особенно хорошо. В стране, где культура часто переплетена с вопросами безопасности, идентичности и личной истории, сценическое выступление редко бывает просто «развлечением без контекста».

В этом смысле «Звуки моря» в Ашдоде — это не только вечер музыки. Это встреча украинской современной сцены, итальянской музыкальной традиции и израильского города, где разные культурные голоса давно живут рядом.

А значит, 13 июня 2026 года амфитеатр Ашдода может стать площадкой не только для концерта, но и для еще одного напоминания: музыка тоже фиксирует, кто где стоит в момент исторического выбора.

Билеты и Что важно знать зрителям

Место проведения — амфитеатр Ашдод.

Дата — 13 июня 2026 года.

Начало — 21:00.

Продолжительность — 2 часа 30 минут.

Организатором указан Центр сценических искусств Ашдод.

Билеты уже доступны –

Loboda and The magic of Sanremo — Звуки моря 2026

Также в анонсе указано, что для жителей Ашдода предусмотрены специальные условия по предъявлению удостоверения личности на месте мероприятия, однако скидки могут быть изменены организатором и не суммируются.

Для тех, кто планирует идти, это важная деталь: условия покупки и скидок лучше проверять непосредственно перед оформлением билетов, потому что организаторы оставляют за собой право менять параметры акции.

Dnipro on the day of mourning: Russian strike killed 16 people, among the dead are children

On June 3, 2026, a day of mourning was declared in Dnipro for those killed after a Russian attack on the city. The day before, on June 2, Russian strikes hit residential areas where ordinary families, children, elderly people, rescuers, and passersby were located.

According to the latest data, after the completion of the search and rescue operation, it is known that 16 people were killed and 42 were injured. Among the dead are two children. One of them was a boy born in 2023.

For Ukraine, this is another day of pain. For Israel, it is another reminder that terror against civilians does not begin and end on one front. When rockets and drones fly into homes, children’s rooms, and entrances, it is not a ‘military operation’ but a deliberate pressure on the civilian population.

Dnipro declared mourning after the strike on residential areas

The order for the day of mourning was signed by the mayor of Dnipro, Borys Filatov. On June 3, the state flags of Ukraine should be lowered on the buildings of the city council, municipal enterprises, institutions, and establishments.

This is not a formality. For the city, which waited all night and the next day for news from under the rubble, mourning became an attempt to name the dead not as a number in a report, but as people.

Russia struck Dnipro at night. As a result of the attack, dozens of houses were damaged. According to Ukrainian sources, about 50 buildings in the city were damaged, some of them almost completely destroyed.

The rubble was cleared for hours

Initially, a smaller number of casualties was reported. Then rescuers retrieved new bodies from under the debris, and the data changed: 12, 15, 16.

This is the reality of Ukrainian cities after Russian attacks. Official figures grow not because statistics change, but because people are found under slabs, walls, and ceilings.

Among the dead was the deputy chief of the fire and rescue squad, Major Anton Yarmolenko. He was heading to a call at the time of the strike. His death especially accurately shows who Russia is really hitting: not only those who were at home but also those who were going to save others.

Children, hospitals, and a new strike after mourning

Among the dead in Dnipro are two children. The body of a child born in 2023 was retrieved from the rubble. Later, rescuers found the body of an 8-year-old boy.

Among the injured are also children. It was reported that four minors were injured: boys aged 6 and 16, a 13-year-old girl, and a 14-year-old girl. People were recorded with shrapnel wounds, fractures, lacerations, and cuts, mine-explosive injuries, and injuries from the blast wave.

Adults and children remained in hospitals. Some of the injured were in serious condition. For doctors, it was not an ordinary shift, but a continuation of the night in which the city once again saw how war enters apartments, stairwells, and children’s rooms.

The strike did not end in one night

Even after the declaration of mourning, Dnipro was again under attack. The Dnipropetrovsk regional military administration reported a new drone hit on a residential building.

As a result, an 8-year-old girl was injured. Medics provided her with the necessary assistance.

This detail is important. The city had not yet finished the search and rescue operation, had not yet mourned the dead, had not yet put the yards and entrances in order, and the Russian strike on the residential building was repeated again.

According to Ukrainian reports, cluster munitions were used in the attack. For the city, this means an especially high risk for civilians: the striking elements cover areas, yards, streets, cars, stops, and those who just happened to be nearby.

Why this attack is important for the Israeli audience

For Israelis, the story of Dnipro does not sound like distant news from another country. In Israel, they know well what a night alarm, a strike on a house, wounded children, shattered apartments, and waiting for news about loved ones are.

The difference between Dnipro, Sderot, Ashkelon, northern kibbutzim, or border towns is not in the essence of terror, but in geography. The method is the same: to strike at civilians, sow fear, break the sense of security, force people to live under the threat of the next arrival.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such events precisely in this context: Ukraine faces state terror from Russia, Israel — from Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, and their allies. Different maps, different fronts, but one principle — the enemy chooses civilians as a tool of pressure.

Dnipro is not a statistic, but a warning

Dnipro on June 3, 2026, is not only a day of mourning for one Ukrainian city. It is a direct testimony of how Russia wages war: through strikes on residential buildings, children, rescuers, and ordinary people who had nothing to do with the front.

For the Israeli audience, there is no abstraction in this. When terrorists choose civilians as targets, the difference between a rocket on Dnipro, shelling of Sderot, or a strike on a kibbutz becomes a question not of geography, but of method.

Ukraine pays for resistance with the lives of people who should have gone to school, work, the doctor, the store, or their shift in the morning. Israel knows well the price of such a reality — and therefore cannot look at it as foreign.

Ukrainian ‘Delta’ changes the Pentagon: The US is restructuring drone warfare based on Kyiv’s experience

The US Army has begun a large-scale technological reform after Ukrainian combat experience revealed a weak spot in Western armies: even the most expensive weapons lose some effectiveness if drones, sensors, air defense systems, and command platforms cannot quickly exchange data.

The reason for the new American program was the success of the Ukrainian battle management system ‘Delta’. It was this system that helped Ukraine integrate drones, sensors, strike means, and command decisions into a single digital environment amid full-scale Russian aggression.

Now this experience is being studied not as a ‘Ukrainian improvisation’, but as a model of future warfare. For the US, it’s a matter of speed, battlefield survival, and the ability to respond to threats that are particularly well understood in Israel: drones, missiles, Iranian technologies, rear attacks, and the need to make decisions in minutes, not hours.

Why Ukrainian experience became a signal for the US

According to the Financial Times, the US Army launched the Project Jailbreak initiative to overcome an old problem: different weapon and management systems were often created as closed products, poorly compatible with each other.

In practice, this meant that a soldier or operator became a living ‘integration point’. They had to manually transfer data, switch between screens, link information from different sources, and make decisions under conditions of fatigue, cold, stress, and constant threat.

US Army Chief Technology Officer Alex Miller described this problem very simply: the existing approach does not work if a serviceman is wet, hungry, tired, and has been on task for 20 hours.

From separate systems to a unified battlefield

Before the reform, American developments often resembled a set of strong but poorly connected tools. A drone sees one thing, a radar detects another, an air defense system lives in its own logic, and the command post receives fragments of the picture with a delay.

Captain Mika Moul compared the previous situation to trying to conduct an orchestra via Microsoft Teams, where each musician has different notes. This phrase well explains the main challenge of modern warfare: the problem is not only in the availability of weapons, but in how quickly it turns into a unified combat network.

Ukraine, faced with the massive use of Russian missiles, Shahed, reconnaissance and strike drones, was forced to accelerate such integration not in the laboratory, but right on the front line.

Project Jailbreak: how the Pentagon is trying to ‘unlock’ its systems

A key moment for the American leadership was the visit of US Army Minister Dan Driscoll to Germany. There he saw how Ukrainian military use ‘Delta’ to integrate drones, sensors, and weapons into a working battle management system.

After this, according to Driscoll, it became clear: much of what he had seen before was not sufficiently integrated, not simple enough, and not convenient enough for servicemen.

Project Jailbreak gathered the largest defense companies and technological structures around one task. Participants included Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Northrop Grumman, Anduril, Palantir, and other players in the American defense market.

Their goal was not abstract. It was necessary to make air defense systems, counter-drone means, drones, radars, cameras, command platforms, and weapons ‘speak the same language’.

For the Israeli audience, this story is important not only as news from the US. The Middle East has long lived in a reality where the speed of data transfer between a sensor and a weapon can determine the outcome of an attack. Therefore, Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers Ukraine’s experience as part of a broader picture: drone warfare, the Iranian threat, sky defense, and digital battle management become a common theme for Ukraine, Israel, the US, and their partners.

What is already being deployed in the troops

The first results of Project Jailbreak have already begun to be delivered to American units, including forces in the Middle East. This is particularly indicative: a region where Israel regularly faces threats from Iran and its proxies becomes one of the directions where updated approaches can be tested the fastest.

The American army announced its intention to deploy a full package of fixes within the next 30 days. This is not about a cosmetic update of interfaces, but an attempt to change the very architecture of interaction between systems.

If earlier new weapons could be procured as separate ‘boxes’, now the priority is compatibility. Any new system must integrate into the overall digital network, not create another closed data island.

What this changes for Ukraine, Israel, and future wars

The Ukrainian ‘Delta’ became an example for the US of how an army under constant pressure can adapt faster than large bureaucratic structures. This does not negate the technological superiority of the American military-industrial complex, but shows: in modern warfare, the winner is not only the one with more expensive systems, but the one who quickly connects intelligence, analysis, and strike.

For Ukraine, this is an important political and military signal. Its experience is no longer just being studied — it is being used as a basis for restructuring approaches in one of the most powerful armies in the world.

For Israel, the conclusion is no less direct. The massive use of UAVs, the cheapening of strike systems, the growing role of Iran in spreading drone technologies, and the constant threat of multi-level attacks require not only strong air defense but also a flexible management network. Separate batteries, radars, and operators must work as a single organism.

The main lesson of the Ukrainian front

The war against Russia has shown that digital integration becomes as important a resource as ammunition, armored vehicles, or aviation. When data from a drone quickly reaches a commander, when a target is confirmed without unnecessary delays, when the system itself helps shorten the path from detection to decision, the army gains an advantage that cannot be measured only by the amount of equipment.

Project Jailbreak is an acknowledgment that old standards no longer withstand the pace of new warfare.

Ukraine paid a huge price for this experience. But it is its frontline solutions that are now changing the mindset of allies and forcing the world’s largest armies to restructure their systems to a reality where a drone, sensor, operator, and weapon must act not separately, but as a single network.

The real face of Russia is the deliberate and ruthless terror against the peaceful population of Ukraine: June 2 – at least 17 civilians killed, over 100 people injured.

On the night of June 2, 2026, Russia launched a massive combined missile and drone strike on Ukraine. Kyiv, Kyiv region, Dnipro and Dnipropetrovsk region, Kharkiv and Kharkiv region, Zaporizhzhia, Sumy, Chernihiv region, Poltava region, Khmelnytsky region, Odesa region, Mykolaiv region, as well as energy and critical infrastructure facilities in several regions of the country were under attack.

According to updated data, the number of victims of the Russian army’s strikes on Ukrainian cities continues to grow: at the time of writing, it is known of at least 17 dead, over 100 people were injured. In Kyiv, the number of dead increased to 5 people. In Dnipro, a search and rescue operation continues at the site of a destroyed four-story apartment building.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reported that the fate of six people in Dnipro is still unknown. Part of the house, he said, was almost demolished. Nine people died, including a child.

While Kremlin officials try to manipulate the topic of ‘peace talks’ on the international stage, the actions of the Russian army demonstrate the real face of Russia — it is a deliberate and ruthless terror against the peaceful population of Ukraine.

Night of June 2: 729 air targets and a strike on civilian Ukraine

According to the Ukrainian Air Force, Russia used 729 air attack means: 73 missiles of various types and 656 drones. Among them were Iskander-M ballistic missiles, Kh-101 and Kalibr cruise missiles, Zircon anti-ship missiles, Shahed strike drones, Gerbera, Italmas, Banderol loitering munitions, and Parody decoy drones.

Ukrainian air defense destroyed or suppressed 642 air targets: 40 missiles and 602 drones. In particular, Iskander-M, Kh-101, Kalibr missiles, and hundreds of drones of various types were shot down.

But some missiles and drones reached their targets. Hits were recorded at dozens of locations, as well as debris falling on civilian objects.

The main meaning of this attack was obvious by the morning: Russia was again hitting not only military infrastructure. Residential buildings, hospitals, clinics, maternity wards, enterprises, energy facilities, cars, warehouses, educational buildings, administrative objects, gas stations, fire stations, and ordinary city neighborhoods were hit.

This is not a ‘targeting error’ or a side effect of war. This is a terrorist tactic of a state that tries to break people with fear, night explosions, destroyed homes, and a constant sense of danger.

Kyiv: five dead, children among the injured, damage in eight districts

The main strike hit Kyiv. Rescuers worked almost all night in all districts of the capital — at dozens of locations. The consequences of the attack were recorded in Podilskyi, Shevchenkivskyi, Obolonskyi, Sviatoshynskyi, Solomianskyi, Holosiivskyi, Pecherskyi, and Darnytskyi districts.

In Kyiv, 5 people died. More than 60 residents were injured. Among the victims were children aged 3, 11, and 17.

In the Podilskyi district, after a repeated missile strike on a residential high-rise, the building’s structures partially collapsed. According to preliminary information, people could remain under the rubble. Fires also broke out in the non-residential development area, and cars and warehouse premises were damaged.

In the Holosiivskyi district, the clinic was seriously damaged: the second and third floors of the building were destroyed. A business center was also damaged, cars caught fire, and new fire outbreaks appeared.

In the Shevchenkivskyi district, debris damaged a 24-story residential building, where a fire started on the fourth and fifth floors. Non-residential buildings also burned, and one of the nine-story buildings sustained facade and roof damage.

In the Solomianskyi district, debris hit the upper floors of a 15-story residential building. In addition, a high-rise caught fire at the level of the seventh-eighth floors, as well as several private houses.

In the Sviatoshynskyi district, fires broke out in a five-story residential building and in the non-residential development area. In the Obolonskyi district, debris fell near two kindergartens and caused a fire on the territory of an unfinished building. In the Darnytskyi district, after the fall of UAV debris, a gas station caught fire.

Municipal facilities, an academy, utility structures, a car dealership, and the territory of the Ministry of Internal Affairs service center 8041 were also affected. People with appointments had to receive services at other service centers in Kyiv.

Kyiv region: houses, warehouses, terminal, cars, and fires

The Kyiv region was also under attack. Due to hits and debris falls, fires broke out in the residential sector and on civilian infrastructure facilities.

In the Bucha district, rescuers extinguished a fire in a townhouse with an area of about 100 square meters. Cars were damaged on the territory of a logistics facility.

In Sofiivska Borshchahivka, a two-story warehouse building caught fire. The fire covered an area of about 500 square meters, but the fire was extinguished. Debris also damaged private residential houses.

In Kryukivshchyna, a fire broke out in a three-story building that was not in use. In the Fastiv district, private residential houses burned after the attack. In the Vyshhorod district, the fall of drone debris caused grass to catch fire in an open area.

In Kyiv region, damage to a postal terminal and cars was also reported. This shows that the Russian strike covered not only the capital but also the civilian infrastructure around it.

Dnipro, Dnipropetrovsk region, Kharkiv, and Zaporizhzhia: destroyed houses, a dead child, and strikes on enterprises

In Dnipro, the Russian attack led to the partial destruction of apartment buildings. An enterprise, a fire station, garages were damaged, and cars were destroyed.

According to Ukrainian authorities, nine people died in the city, including a child. Dozens more residents were injured. Zelensky separately reported that the fate of six people remains unknown, and the search and rescue operation will continue as long as necessary.

At the site of the destroyed four-story apartment building, rescuers continue to clear the rubble. Part of the building was effectively demolished by the strike.

Among the dead was a State Emergency Service rescuer, Major Anton Yarmolenko, deputy head of the fire and rescue unit. He was on his way to a call at the moment of the Russian strike.

This detail is especially important. Russia kills not only residents but also those who are supposed to save people after shelling.

Dnipropetrovsk region: Kamianske, Nikopol region, Synelnykove region, and Kryvyi Rih

In Kamianske, an administrative building and apartment buildings were damaged. Three people were injured, including a rescuer. The injured were hospitalized, and their condition was assessed as moderate.

In the Nikopol region, the district center, as well as the Chervonohryhorivska, Pokrovska, and Marhanetska communities were under attack. Private and apartment buildings were damaged.

In the Synelnykove region, Russian troops attacked the Vasylkivska community. As a result of the strike, a non-operational building caught fire.

In Kryvyi Rih, the strike hit the Apostolivska community, where a fire broke out. This shows that Russian terror is not limited to regional centers: smaller towns, communities, and residential areas remain under attack.

Kharkiv and Kharkiv region: drones, missiles, energy, and residential neighborhoods

Kharkiv experienced a combined attack by drones and missiles. The city was hit by strike drones and missiles. Hits were recorded in the Osnovianskyi, Slobidskyi, Nemyshlianskyi, and Kyivskyi districts.

In the Osnovianskyi district, private residential houses, administrative buildings, the territory of a preschool institution, and civilian infrastructure facilities were damaged. In the Slobidskyi district, an apartment building, cars, and a street lighting network were affected.

In the Nemyshlianskyi district, the strike damaged an office building, where a fire broke out. In the Kyivskyi district, hits were recorded on the territory of industrial enterprises.

The Kharkiv region was also hit. People were injured, including a child. The Barvinkivska, Donetska, Merefianska, and Vysokhanivska communities were under attack. Residential houses, utility buildings, garages, cars, and other civilian objects burned.

Separately, Zelensky reported strikes on energy facilities in the Kharkiv region and critical infrastructure in Kharkiv. This is an important element of Russian tactics: hitting not only people directly but also the systems that support the city’s life.

Zaporizhzhia: dozens of strikes and damaged high-rises

Zaporizhzhia also underwent a massive attack at night using various types of weapons. Dozens of strikes were recorded, including on one of the city’s industrial facilities.

In the Shevchenkivskyi district, four apartment buildings were damaged. Windows were broken in the apartments, and balconies were damaged.

Specialized services worked on-site, inspecting the territory, documenting the consequences of the shelling, and helping temporarily cover broken windows with OSB boards.

For Zaporizhzhia, this is not a single episode but a continuation of life under constant threat: explosions, damaged houses, emergency work, night alarms, and anticipation of the next strike.

Sumy, Chernihiv region, Poltava region, Khmelnytsky region, Odesa, and Mykolaiv region: geography of Russian terror

Sumy experienced night strikes on the residential sector and infrastructure facilities. Drone hits were recorded on a private house and an apartment building in the Zarichnyi district.

An elderly woman had an acute stress reaction, and she received medical assistance. In the morning, Russian troops also shelled Sumy with artillery. Roofs, windows, and balcony structures of two high-rise buildings were damaged.

Two women and a man who were nearby at the time of the shelling were injured. All were hospitalized, and their condition was assessed as moderate.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency draws attention to this geography of strikes specifically for the Israeli audience: it is not about one point on the map but a systematic attack on the country’s civilian space. Israelis are well acquainted with the logic of missile pressure, where the enemy tries to hit not only infrastructure but also the sense of security in society.

Chernihiv region: injured teenager, houses, lyceum, and warehouses

In the Chernihiv region, a 15-year-old teenager was injured as a result of a Russian attack. Residential houses, a lyceum, and warehouse premises burned in the region.

In the Horodnia community, a Russian drone hit a residential house, causing a fire. In Chernihiv, a fire also broke out due to the fall of an enemy drone on a residential house.

In the Koriukivka and Novhorod-Siverskyi districts, after Russian strikes, lyceum premises and warehouse buildings caught fire. The fires were extinguished, but the picture again shows: not abstract objects are under attack, but places associated with people’s daily lives.

Poltava region: private enterprise, houses, and an injured person

The Poltava region experienced a combined strike. Drone and missile hits were recorded in the Lubny district.

Premises of a private enterprise were affected. At another location, a missile fell near private houses, damaging residential buildings and utility structures.

One person was injured. His condition was assessed as satisfactory, and he received the necessary medical assistance.

Khmelnytsky region: shot down drones, fire, and damaged enterprises

The Khmelnytsky region was also in the attack zone. A fire broke out at one of the facilities in the Khmelnytsky district.

Air defense forces shot down or suppressed nine drones in the region. As a result of the attack, premises on the territory of enterprises were damaged.

Units of the State Emergency Service were involved in eliminating the consequences of the shelling and extinguishing fires. Information about the dead or injured in the region was not received at the time of the reports.

Odesa region: strike on a hospital and maternity ward

In the Odesa region, Russian strikes hit a hospital and a maternity ward. At the time of the attack, mothers with newborns were there.

According to preliminary data, people were not injured. But the very fact of a strike on such infrastructure shows the level of moral decline of the Russian military machine.

A hospital and a maternity ward are not military targets. These are places where life should be saved, not where infants should be hidden from explosions.

Mykolaiv region: Shahed, critical infrastructure, and a damaged house

The Mykolaiv region was attacked by Shahed-type drones by Russia. Critical infrastructure was under attack.

As a result of air defense work and debris falls in the Mykolaiv district, windows and the roof of a private house were damaged. There were no casualties.

Even where casualties are avoided, the attack leaves behind destruction, stress, and another confirmation: the Russian army deliberately pressures civilian life.

Power outages and strikes on energy

Due to strikes on energy infrastructure, some consumers in Kyiv and several regions temporarily lost power. Outages were recorded in the capital, as well as in the Kyiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, Sumy, Kharkiv, and Cherkasy regions.

In Kyiv, a production site and infrastructure facilities of one of the energy enterprises were damaged. Two energy sector workers were injured and hospitalized.

Energy workers worked in an enhanced mode to restore power supply as quickly as possible. Separately, strikes on oil and gas industry facilities were reported. Rescue and operational services worked on-site.

Why this is important for Israel and international security

For the Israeli audience, this attack does not look like distant news ‘somewhere in Europe.’ Israel knows well what air raids, missile strikes, night shelling, air defense work, overloaded hospitals, and the psychological fatigue of the civilian population are.

The difference in scale and geography does not negate the general logic: when a state deliberately hits cities, it tests not only military defense but also the resilience of society.

That is why Zelensky’s words after this night sounded not only as an appeal to Ukrainians. He stated that if Ukraine is not protected from ballistic and other missile strikes, such attacks will continue. According to him, Europe needs its own anti-ballistic defense, and US assistance in supplying missiles for Patriot systems remains critically important.

For Israel, this is understandable language. Without layered air defense, constant replenishment of interceptor missiles, modernization of detection systems, and international support, even a strong defense system quickly comes under pressure if the enemy launches hundreds of targets simultaneously.

The Ukrainian night of June 2 is not only a Ukrainian tragedy. It is a signal for the entire democratic world: missiles, drones, and strikes on cities become a tool of pressure on civilian societies if the aggressor does not receive a tough response.

Not negotiations, but coercion through terror

On the international stage, the Kremlin continues to talk about ‘peace negotiations,’ conditions, and diplomacy. But the night of June 2 showed the real content of this rhetoric.

Russia acts as a terrorist state. It uses missiles, drones, night strikes, and the destruction of civilian infrastructure as a tool of pressure on Ukraine and its partners.

This attack became yet another proof: Russia does not show readiness to end the war. It shows readiness to kill, destroy, and force Ukraine to concessions through terror against the peaceful population.

The main conclusion: Ukraine needs strong defense, not the illusion of peace

After such strikes, it is especially clear that Ukraine’s security cannot rely solely on statements, diplomatic formats, and calls for a ceasefire.

Missiles for Patriot are needed. Additional air defense systems are needed. Defense production, engineers, mathematicians, specialists in drones, electronic warfare, energy protection, and city restoration after strikes are needed.

Ukraine needs an army that can not only hold the front but also protect the sky over Kyiv, Dnipro, Kharkiv, Odesa, Sumy, Zaporizhzhia, Chernihiv, Poltava, Khmelnytskyi, Mykolaiv, and other cities.

And internal resilience is needed — civic cohesion, without which even the strongest defense cannot withstand a long war. Zelensky separately thanked Ukrainians for not ignoring air raid signals. This is a simple phrase, but behind it lies life: shelter, discipline, attention to warnings, and mutual assistance truly save people.

The night of June 2 was another reminder: Russia will not stop from requests. It stops only where it meets strength, defense, technological superiority, and societal unity.

The path to ending this war lies not through beautiful formulas about ‘peace at any cost,’ but through Ukraine’s ability to survive, protect cities, strengthen the army, and deprive the aggressor of the opportunity to strike people with impunity.

Former Israeli Air Force Commander Amir Eshel warned of the war of the future: thousands of rockets, drones, AI, and strikes on civilian infrastructure

War will no longer be only on the front line

Reserve Major General Amir Eshel, former commander of the Israeli Air Force and former Director General of the Israeli Ministry of Defense, spoke on Monday, June 1, 2026, at the annual Jerusalem Post conference in New York. It was there that he described a war scenario that, according to him, Israel and the entire free world need to prepare for now.

His main thesis sounds harsh: the future war will not be limited to the front line, military bases, and air strikes. It will hit the depth of the country, cities, communications, transport, energy, and the daily lives of citizens.

Eshel spoke not as a theorist. He linked his assessments to Russia’s war against Ukraine, conflicts in the Middle East, and Israel’s experience in recent years. In his view, the world is entering a stage where the familiar question “who won?” becomes less and less obvious because wars are becoming longer, more expensive, and more destructive for the home front.

For the Israeli audience, this is not an abstract forecast. Israel already lives in the reality of missile threats, drones, air raids, cyberattacks, and dependence on early warning systems. But Eshel effectively warns: the next level could be much harder.

Five lessons from Ukraine and the Middle East

The first lesson he highlighted at the New York conference is the sharp increase in the role of missiles, cruise missiles, ballistic systems, and drones. If previously such a strike was primarily considered a tool of pressure on military targets, now fire is increasingly directed across the entire territory of the state.

The second lesson is that quantity itself becomes quality. Cheap drones, mass launches, and simple strike systems can overload even technologically advanced defenses. This is evident in Ukraine, where Russia has been combining missiles, “Shaheds,” and waves of combined attacks for months, forcing air defense to operate in a constant wear-and-tear mode.

The third conclusion concerns ground maneuver. According to Eshel, the wide saturation of the battlefield with strike means seriously limits the classic advancement of infantry and armored vehicles. Ukraine has shown how difficult it is to move forward when the space is monitored by drones, and any concentration of forces quickly becomes a target.

The fourth lesson is that air defense finds it increasingly difficult to withstand the scale of threats. Interception becomes expensive, and attacking means are often cheaper than defensive ones.

The fifth conclusion is that the absence of a quick resolution makes wars protracted. This is visible both on the Ukrainian front and in the Middle Eastern reality, where military force does not always lead to an immediate political result.

Thousands of targets in the sky and the new role of artificial intelligence

The most alarming part of Eshel’s speech on June 1, 2026, concerned the scale of future attacks. He said that society needs to get used to not only hundreds of missiles and drones but to thousands and even tens of thousands of targets that can come simultaneously from the air and from space.

For Israel, this means a fundamentally new challenge. Even a powerful multi-layered defense system — “Iron Dome,” “David’s Sling,” “Arrow,” and other elements — was built around certain threat scenarios. A massive new type of attack may attempt not to penetrate the defense pointwise but to overload it with numbers, speed, directions, and false targets.

Eshel also emphasized the role of artificial intelligence. In his assessment, the future war will not just be a war of people, headquarters, and commanders. It will be a clash of systems, where AI on one side will oppose AI on the other side, managing thousands of autonomous platforms, analyzing data, and making decisions faster than a human can comprehend the battle picture.

For readers in Israel, this conversation is important not only as military analytics. Nikk.Agency considers such statements in a broader context: the country’s security increasingly depends not only on the army but also on the resilience of civilian infrastructure, the readiness of municipalities, the reliability of communications, energy, and the ability of society to live under prolonged pressure.

The electromagnetic spectrum as a battlefield

Eshel placed a separate emphasis on the electromagnetic spectrum. According to him, the space in which Wi-Fi, cellular communication, GPS, digital control systems, cameras, sensors, and navigation operate has already become a full-fledged battlefield.

This is an important warning for Israel. In a modern country, almost everything is tied to digital infrastructure: hospitals, traffic lights, elevators, banking services, logistics, transport, alert systems, smartphones, and civilian applications. A strike on such systems does not necessarily look like an explosion, but the consequences can be no less painful.

Eshel also described another layer of threats — the use of energy as a weapon. This refers to lasers, electromagnetic systems, and means capable of disabling electronic components. Not only military drones or missiles can be affected, but also civilian equipment: cars, computers, phones, cameras, electronically controlled doors, elevators, and urban systems.

What this means for Israel

Eshel’s main conclusion, voiced at the Jerusalem Post conference in New York, is that confidence in strength alone is no longer enough. He called for a change in approach: to invest not only in offensive capabilities but also in defense, infrastructure protection, and reducing damage to the civilian home front.

In Israeli security logic, this is a particularly sensitive issue. Israel traditionally bets on intelligence, air superiority, quick strikes, and technological advantage. But if the enemy can attack the home front for a long time and massively, then defense becomes not a secondary shield but a condition for any successful operation.

Eshel effectively says that without strong protection of civilian infrastructure, offensive potential also loses effectiveness. The army may have strong strike capabilities, but if the country is paralyzed at the rear, if communication does not work, if cities are not ready, if air defense systems are overloaded, strategic advantage narrows.

The Israeli home front as part of the front

For an ordinary Israeli, this forecast sounds unpleasant but realistic. The war of the future may come not only through a siren and a missile salvo. It may manifest in navigation failures, communication outages, transport disruptions, power grid damage, digital chaos, and pressure on civilian psychology.

That is why Eshel’s conversation is important not as panic but as a warning. Israel needs not only a strong army but also a more resilient country: protected hospitals, backup communication channels, prepared municipalities, clear instructions for the population, reliable energy, and the ability to withstand a long conflict without destroying everyday life.

The war of the future, which Amir Eshel spoke about on June 1, 2026, in New York at the Jerusalem Post conference, is already partially visible in Ukraine and the Middle East. The difference is only in scale. If thousands of cheap systems, artificial intelligence, missiles, drones, and electromagnetic strikes combine into one campaign, the front will not be somewhere far away. It will pass through the sky, phones, roads, homes, and infrastructure.

The world must maintain unity in confronting the “Axis of Evil” – Embassy of Ukraine in Israel on the death of 21-year-old Mykhailo Tyukin, a repatriate from Ukraine and an IDF soldier

The death of 21-year-old Mikhail Tyukin, a repatriate from Ukraine and an IDF soldier, became not only a personal tragedy for one family in Israel and Ukraine. This event once again showed that terror emanating from Iran, its allies, and proxy structures has long not been limited to one border, one war, or one region.

On May 31, 2026, the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel stated that the world must maintain unity in confronting the ‘Axis of Evil’. The occasion was the death of Mikhail Tyukin as a result of a drone explosion launched by Hezbollah. According to Israeli media and IDF reports, he served in the intelligence unit of the Givati Brigade and died in southern Lebanon during an FPV drone attack.

Who was Mikhail Tyukin and why his death became a symbol

Mikhail Tyukin moved to Israel from Ukraine in 2020 with his mother. The statement from the Ukrainian embassy specifically emphasizes that his mother was his only close family. He became a citizen of two countries that in recent years have been living under the blows of different forms of the same terror: Ukraine from Russian aggression and Iranian drones, Israel from Hezbollah, Hamas, and other structures associated with the Iranian axis.

For the Israeli audience, in this story, it is important not only that an IDF soldier died. It is important that it is about a repatriate from Ukraine who found himself between two wars but chose to serve in the country where he was building a new life. He came to Israel as a teenager, became part of Israeli society, and died in army uniform, defending the northern front.

This is not abstract geopolitics.

This is the fate of a person in which Ukraine, Israel, Iran, Lebanon, Hezbollah, and the Russian-Iranian military-political alliance converged.

Why the Ukrainian embassy speaks of the ‘Axis of Evil’

The statement from the Ukrainian Embassy in Israel directly states that Hezbollah is financed by Iran—the same Iran that is an ally of Russia and supplies it with weapons. It is this connection that makes the death of Mikhail Tyukin not only an Israeli tragedy but also part of a broader picture of the modern war against democratic states and their citizens.

Ukraine has been facing Iranian strike drones for several years, which Russia uses against Ukrainian cities, energy, ports, and civilian infrastructure. Israel, for its part, sees the Iranian trace in the arming and financing of Hezbollah, Hamas, and other groups acting against Israeli citizens and military.

That is why the formula of the Ukrainian embassy sounds harsh but logical: it is not about different conflicts, but about interconnected threats.

When NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency writes about such events for the Israeli audience, the key question is: can Israel continue to consider Russia’s war against Ukraine and Iran’s war through its proxies against Israel as separate processes? The death of Mikhail Tyukin shows that at the level of human destinies, these lines have already intersected.

The Iranian factor: a common source of threat

Iran plays the role of not only a regional adversary of Israel. It has become one of Russia’s important military partners in the war against Ukraine. Iranian drones, technologies, and political support enhance Moscow’s ability to continue attacks on Ukrainian territory.

For Israel, this means that the Ukrainian front and the northern front against Hezbollah are connected not by a slogan, but by the infrastructure of terror: weapons, technologies, money, training of militants, and political cover.

Hezbollah uses drones against Israeli military and civilian targets. Russia uses Iranian drones against Ukraine. The difference in geography does not cancel the common logic: the blow is struck at those who hinder the expansion of authoritarian and terrorist alliances.

What this death changes for Israel and Ukraine

The death of Mikhail Tyukin strengthens Kyiv’s moral and political argument in conversation with Israel. Ukraine has long said that the Iranian threat is not only an Israeli problem, and Russian aggression is not only a Ukrainian misfortune. Now this thought has received a tragic human dimension.

For Israel, the story of Mikhail Tyukin is also important because the country has a large community of people from Ukraine. Among them are those who came in the 1990s, those who repatriated after 2014, and those who found themselves in Israel after Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. Many families simultaneously follow the news from the Ukrainian front and the situation in northern Israel.

The death of a young soldier from Ashkelon, a repatriate from Ukraine, connects these two pains into one.

Consequences for public diplomacy

The statement from the Ukrainian embassy strengthens Kyiv’s line: the world must not just sympathize with individual victims but understand the structure of the threat. If Iran arms Russia, supports Hezbollah, and develops a network of proxy forces, then countering this system cannot be fragmented.

For Israel, this is also a question of strategic honesty. The northern front, drone attacks, Hezbollah’s pressure, and Iranian influence in the region require not only a military response but also clearer international coordination. Ukraine, in this sense, acts not as an outside observer but as a country that daily faces the same technology of terror—only on a different section of the world map.

There is also an informational consequence. The story of Mikhail Tyukin destroys the convenient attempt to separate ‘Israeli security’ from the ‘Ukrainian war’. In reality, the same Iranian factor is present in both directions, and Russia and Iran are increasingly linking their military and political interests.

Why it is important to remember this now

Against the backdrop of the war in Ukraine, the escalation around Lebanon, and constant threats from northern Israel, such stories become a test for international solidarity. It is not enough to say words about fighting terrorism if in practical politics the world continues to divide victims by geography and convenience.

Mikhail Tyukin was a citizen of Israel and a native of Ukraine. He died from a Hezbollah strike, which is supported by Iran. The same Iran helps Russia wage war against Ukraine.

This is the main meaning of the Ukrainian embassy’s statement: the ‘Axis of Evil’ is not a metaphor for domestic politics, but a description of a network where one regime arms another, one conflict fuels another, and the price is ultimately measured in the lives of young people.

For Israel, the memory of Mikhail Tyukin is the memory of an IDF soldier. For Ukraine, it is about its native, whose life was cut short by terror associated with the same Iranian camp that helps Russia kill Ukrainians. For the whole world, it is a reminder that such threats cannot be faced alone.

Dolphin: June 1, 2001 — a night that Israel has not forgotten

On June 1, 2001, late in the evening, one of the most painful terrorist attacks of the Second Intifada occurred on the Tel Aviv promenade. At the entrance to the “Dolphin” disco, also known as the Dolphinarium, a suicide bomber blew himself up among teenagers and young people who were waiting for the party to start by the sea.

21 people were killed. More than 120 were injured. A significant portion of the dead and injured were Russian-speaking Israelis, children and youth from families of immigrants from the former USSR. For Israel, this was not just another terrorist attack of that time. It was an attack on youth, on the new aliyah, on families who came to the country with hopes for safety and a future.

What happened at the entrance to “Dolphin”

On the evening of June 1, a large queue gathered at the club on the Tel Aviv promenade. It was a popular place for teenagers, especially for Russian-speaking youth from Tel Aviv, Bat Yam, Holon, Ramat Gan, Netanya, and other central cities of Israel.

According to Israeli and international sources, the terrorist was Said Hotari, associated with Hamas. It is important to clarify: in various retellings, this attack is sometimes mistakenly attributed to the “Palestinian Islamic Jihad,” but official Israeli reports and materials from major publications link the attack specifically to Hamas.

The terrorist was wearing a belt with explosives. The charge was reinforced with metal elements — nails, balls, screws, and other damaging details. The goal was obvious: not just an explosion, but a maximum number of deaths and severe injuries among people standing close to each other.

A security guard noticed the suspicious behavior of a young man at the entrance. According to memories, when asked what he was doing there, he replied: “Dancing.” He was not allowed inside. Moments later, he blew himself up outside — right where a dense crowd of teenagers was standing.

Why the blow was so terrible

The attack occurred on a Friday evening, in a place of leisure, by the sea, in a city that for many symbolized freedom, music, and ordinary young life. That is why “Dolphin” became in Israeli memory not only the name of a club but also a symbol of the vulnerability of civilian space to terror.

Among the dead were schoolchildren, young soldiers, new immigrants, teenagers who came just to spend the evening. Among the 21 dead were 20 civilians and one serviceman, and most of the victims were young girls.

Russian-speaking Israel and the trauma of “Dolphin”

For the Russian-speaking community of Israel, this attack became a separate historical trauma. Many families came to Israel in the 1990s after the collapse of the USSR. They were building a new life, learning the language, working in hard jobs, adapting to a different culture, and believing that their children could grow up in a freer country.

That night, terror struck precisely at their children.

It is no coincidence that years later, the attack at the Dolphinarium is often remembered as a turning point for Russian-speaking Israelis. This attack became the moment when the Russian-speaking aliyah painfully entered the general Israeli experience of loss, war, and national memory.

This is an important context for today’s Israeli audience. When Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency writes about memory, terrorism, and the price of security, the story of “Dolphin” shows: behind the statistics, there are always specific families, specific cities, and specific children whose names ceased to be just names on a list.

What changed after the attack

After the attack, Israel faced a new level of public shock. The Second Intifada was already underway, but the explosion at the Tel Aviv disco became one of those events that sharply intensified the feeling that terror could reach people anywhere: on a bus, in a cafe, on the street, at the entrance to a club.

The consequences were not only military and political. There was increased attention to the security of places with large crowds, to checks at entrances, to the work of private security and police in recreational areas. Israeli society became even more sensitive to the issue of the security of civilian objects.

For the families of the victims, the consequences lasted for years. Many of the injured underwent surgeries and rehabilitation. Some remained disabled. The parents of the deceased faced not only the loss of their children but also a long sense of injustice: their sons and daughters came or were born here to live, but were killed for the very fact of belonging to Israel.

Why the memory of “Dolphin” is important today

The terrorist attack on June 1, 2001, cannot be viewed only as an event of the past. For Israel, it is part of a long line of struggle against terror, where civilians became targets precisely because they lived ordinary lives.

For Russian-speaking Israelis, this memory has additional meaning. “Dolphin” reminds of a generation of teenagers who grew up between languages, cultures, and identities. They spoke Russian at home, learned Hebrew at school, listened to music, walked by the sea, and tried to become part of Israel without loud declarations.

The terrorist did not choose a military base or a government institution. He came to a disco. It was a blow to the very idea of normalcy: to the right of teenagers to dance, laugh, meet friends, and not think every minute about war.

The Israeli lesson of this tragedy

The memory of “Dolphin” remains important also because it shows the cost of underestimating terrorist ideology. When the murder of teenagers is presented as “resistance,” it destroys the very boundary between political conflict and the conscious mass murder of civilians.

Israel after that night became different. But the Russian-speaking community also became different: more visible, more integrated into the general Israeli grief, more connected to the country’s history not only through repatriation but also through pain.

June 1 is not just a date on the calendar. It is a day of remembrance for the young people who stood in line by the sea and did not return home. And as long as Israel continues to live under the threat of terror, the story of “Dolphin” remains a warning: security begins not with slogans, but with an honest understanding of what the country stands against.

USSR 2.0 Unmasked — Why Russia is Rapidly Turning into a New Type of Labor Camp

The dream of returning to the Soviet Union in modern Russia is increasingly ceasing to be nostalgia and more often becoming a political program. But the problem is that it is not about the romanticized image of a ‘great power’ from television myths, but about recreating the darkest model of coercion, control, and suppression. For the Israeli audience, this process is especially important because it shows how a state waging an aggressive war against Ukraine is simultaneously restructuring its own society according to the logic of fear, isolation, and controlled disenfranchisement.

Today in Russia, the features of a system where dissent is declared a threat, freedom of speech becomes a crime, and citizens are offered to exchange personal autonomy for the television illusion of stability are becoming more pronounced. And if earlier talks about a ‘new USSR’ could sound like propagandistic bravado, now more signs point to a much harsher scenario — a return not to the late Soviet lifestyle, but to the model of conditional 1937 with modern digital stuffing.

This is no longer a metaphor.

This is a political construction being assembled before our eyes.

СССР 2.0 без маски — почему россия все быстрее превращается в трудовой лагерь нового типа
USSR 2.0 without a mask — why Russia is rapidly turning into a new type of labor camp

How Russia approaches the model of total submission

Not Soviet nostalgia, but a system of fear and forced loyalty

One of the main features of the current Russian course is the attempt to restore a state where a person exists primarily as a resource. Not as a citizen with rights, not as a participant in public life, but as a controlled unit obliged to work, remain silent, obey, and not ask unnecessary questions. In such a model, war is needed not only for external aggression but also for internal discipline. It justifies censorship, strengthens repression, allows for demands of sacrifice, and simultaneously accustoms society to the idea that the norm is not freedom, but mobilization obedience.

Against this backdrop, ideas that would have recently seemed like political grotesque are increasingly being voiced. Discussions of a six-day workweek, a twelve-hour workday, and the actual expansion of the workload to 72 hours a week fit into the general trend. If such proposals are promoted by people from the pro-government elite, it means that the very idea of turning the country into a huge production barracks is no longer marginal. It is being tested in the public field and gradually introduced into public consciousness as an acceptable future option.

For the authorities, this is convenient. An overworked, intimidated, and economically dependent person resists worse, protests less often, and more easily accepts any new restrictions.

From internet shutdowns to a new serfdom logic

Recent years have shown that the Kremlin closely monitors the limits of its own population’s patience. First, society is accustomed to censorship. Then — to blockages, internet filtering, criminal cases for words, and demonstrative punishments for dissent. After this, the next stage becomes possible: presenting labor coercion, total control, and restriction of personal choice as supposedly necessary measures for the sake of the state, the front, or ‘stability.’

That is why talks about digital isolation, the analogue of ‘CheburNet,’ and the gradual transformation of the country into a controlled information camp cannot be considered an exaggeration. When society agrees to live under conditions of shutdowns, bans, and an increasingly narrow field of the permissible, the authorities draw a logical conclusion: the limit of resistance is lowered. And that means they can go further.

It’s not just the economy being tested.

It’s a test of obedience.

Why the myth of ‘returning to the USSR’ turns into a trap for the Russians themselves

Television romance versus the real model of 1937

A significant part of Russian society has indeed lived for many years with the myth of ‘returning to greatness.’ In this picture, the USSR was presented as a space of strength, military power, large industry, strict discipline, and global fear that supposedly commanded respect from the world. But such a myth always had one fundamental substitution. People dreaming of a ‘great era’ almost never imagine themselves as its victims. They mentally place themselves on the side of the authorities, security forces, party nomenclature, special services, or the punitive system.

Reality is arranged differently. In any system built on coercion, the majority of the population finds itself not in the boss’s chair, but in the role of subordinate material. Not the master of the repressive mechanism, but its raw material. And if modern Russia is indeed moving towards a version of USSR 2.0, then for millions of its citizens, this will mean not a return to the ’empire of winners,’ but a slide into a world where rights are replaced by orders, salary — by a form of dependence, and personal freedom — by the obligation to survive in a state that considers a person an expendable resource.

This paradox is especially noticeable today. Those who have supported the cult of a strong hand, repression, and militarization for years risk being the first to face the same system not as spectators, but as objects of management.

War as a way to gather the country into one big labor camp

For the Israeli reader, another aspect is important here. Russian aggression against Ukraine does not exist separately from internal processes in Russia itself. External war and internal unfreedom feed each other. The deeper the country goes into a military economy, the easier it is for the authorities to explain to society new sacrifices, new restrictions, and new forms of forced labor. The more resources go to the front, the stronger the temptation to tighten the screws inside the country and present it as an inevitability.

That is why the rhetoric about the need to work more, endure longer, and not ask questions does not look like a random set of propaganda theses, but part of the overall architecture. A country living in a state of endless war gradually adjusts civilian life to the military standard. Hence the attempt to turn society into a huge mobilization mechanism, where the factory, barracks, propaganda, and fear begin to work as a single system.

In this context, НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency records not just another ideological shift in Russia, but a more dangerous process: a state destroying Ukrainian cities and lives is simultaneously building within itself a model where repression, overwork, and disenfranchisement are presented as the new norm of national existence.

What this means for Ukraine and the region

Russia is becoming less predictable and more totalitarian

For Ukraine, the conclusion from this picture is quite harsh but understandable. The deeper Russia goes into the model of internal coercion, the less reason there is to expect rational evolution, humanization, or renunciation of aggression from it in the foreseeable future. A country that shapes its own society according to the laws of a camp does not become safer for its neighbors. On the contrary, it more often seeks an external enemy, strengthens militarism, and turns violence into a universal language of internal and external politics.

For Israel, this is also an important signal. The history of the 20th century has too clearly shown how quickly the cult of strength, repression, and total submission can grow into a threat not only to its own population but also to the surrounding world. When unfreedom, labor coercion, suppression, and the cult of the enemy are normalized in a state, it always ceases to be only the internal affair of such a country.

That is why the current transformation of Russia is important not only for the Ukrainian front.

It is important for understanding what type of regime the world will have to deal with in the future.

If the current trajectory continues, Russia will look less and less like an ordinary authoritarian state and more like a closed system of the late imperial type, where the population is held by a mixture of fear, propaganda, war, and social dependence. And in such a case, the conversation is no longer about beautiful myths about ‘returning to the USSR,’ but about a real slide into a model where the state demands not participation from a person, but submission.

Mordechai Kreuser: an Israeli citizen who has been feeding internally displaced people free kosher meals in Ukraine for 3 years – video

“This is my way of saying thank you to G-d that we have food and shelter,” – says Mordechai.

The story of Mordechai Kreuser is a shining example of human solidarity and selflessness. An Israeli citizen who came to Transcarpathia to revive the Jewish community became a savior for thousands of Ukrainian immigrants.

For the third year now, he has been providing them with free kosher meals, bringing light during the difficult times of war.

A report about Mordechai Kreuzer showed Ukrainian TV channel ICTV .

Mordechai Kreuser came to Mukachevo in 2022 with an ambitious goal: to open a kosher restaurant and breathe new life into the Jewish community. However, Russian aggression changed his plans.

When the war began, Mordechai used his funds to set up charity canteens in Mukachevo, Ivano-Frankivsk and Chernigov.

At the beginning of 2022, about 500 people came to the dining room in the Mukachevo synagogue four times a week, now – 250.

“This is my way of saying thank you to G-d that we have something to eat and a place to sleep. I came here for a different purpose and found myself among hundreds of thousands of people fleeing the war and becoming its victims. I feed the hungry and this is my way to help them.” – says Mordecai.


Help with numbers

At their peak, Kreuser’s canteens fed up to 500 people daily.

City Number of people (2022) Number of people (2024)
Mukachevo 500 250
Ivano-Frankivsk ~300 ~150
Chernigov ~200 ~100

Over time, the number of visitors has declined due to fewer migrants, but the need for hot meals remains high.


Why kosher food?

Kosher dishes are not only a tradition, but also a sign of respect for every person, regardless of their faith.

Features of Mordecai’s cuisine:

  • Suitable for people of all religions.
  • Meets strict kosher standards.
  • It is being prepared with the participation of volunteers, including displaced people.

Volunteer work

The Kreuzer canteen is staffed by four women who are themselves displaced people.


Stories that touch the heart

One of the visitors to the canteen was Nadezhda from Mariupol, who spent 40 days under occupation without food or water. As a result, she lost her sight and hearing.

“These people cook with warmth and kindness. Here I felt that I could live again,” — Nadezhda shares.


Problems and challenges

Today, charity canteens in Ivano-Frankivsk and Chernigov have closed due to lack of funds. However, Mordecai continues to seek support.

“I had a calling from my heart. I cannot remain indifferent, even if the funds are not enough.” – he says.

Kreuzer appeals to wealthy people with a request to open their hearts and support those who are in trouble.


The role of the initiative for relations between Israel and Ukraine

The Mordechai project is not only humanitarian aid, but also an important symbol of cooperation between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples.

Our website NAnews – Israel News continues to tell stories that unite Israel and Ukraine.


Conclusion

Mordechai Kreuser’s initiative demonstrates the power of the human spirit and the potential for uniting peoples. His story is an example of how you can overcome boundaries while supporting those who need it most.

“The war will pass, but the memory of good deeds will remain,” – Mordechai is sure.

Let’s support such initiatives together and make the world a better place.

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