On November 4, 2026, the results of the midterm elections in the USA became known: the Democrats gained control over both houses of Congress. For Donald Trump, this means the loss of parliamentary support he relied on for the past two years. However, presidential powers have not disappeared. Moreover, until January 3, 2027, when the new Congress begins its work, Republicans retain their previous positions in the legislative branch.
The question now is not only how much the Democrats can limit Trump. Equally important is what the president himself will undertake in the remaining weeks and how American policy towards Iran, Ukraine, and Cuba will change.
Iran: the war that hit the Republicans
The US and Israel war against Iran began on February 28, 2026. Eight months later, its consequences became one of the reasons for the dissatisfaction of American voters. Rising fuel prices and military campaign expenses have turned into a domestic political problem.
Vice President J.D. Vance directly linked the Republicans’ defeat to the war. Trump himself acknowledged its influence on the elections but stated that the decision for military action was necessary.
The White House faces two main directions: resuming large-scale strikes to achieve concessions from Tehran or negotiating to limit Iran’s nuclear program. A combination of military pressure and diplomacy is also not excluded.
For Israel, the cost of a new escalation is quite specific: possible retaliatory strikes, threats to American bases in the region, instability of shipping in the Strait of Hormuz. Meanwhile, the new Congress will be able to challenge war funding and demand explanations from the Pentagon.
Trump retains the right to make military decisions. But continuing the campaign, which has already affected the election results, will inevitably become a subject of confrontation with lawmakers.
Ukraine: negotiations continue, but peace terms are not agreed
On November 10-11, trilateral negotiations between Ukraine, Russia, and the USA are scheduled in Abu Dhabi. The American side intends to discuss security guarantees, reducing the intensity of hostilities, and humanitarian issues.
The Kremlin confirmed the participation of a delegation led by Vladimir Medinsky. His appointment itself does not indicate Moscow’s readiness to abandon previous demands.
Therefore, the diplomatic process continues, although there are no grounds to declare the upcoming meeting a breakthrough yet.
Trump is interested in an agreement that can be presented as a result of American mediation. But Washington cannot independently determine the conditions for ending the war. Kyiv demands reliable security guarantees, while Moscow continues to seek political and territorial concessions.
There is another circumstance. Russia is trying to use the Iranian crisis in relations with the USA, offering mediation and hoping for reciprocal economic solutions. NANews wrote about this connection in the material about Moscow’s proposals on Iran and possible concessions on Ukraine.
The Democrats’ leadership in both houses may change the situation with American aid to Kyiv and sanctions against Russia. But this will not happen automatically: new decisions will require voting, and Trump will retain the right to veto.
In detail about why the negotiations between Washington, Moscow, and Beijing are not equivalent to an agreement with Ukraine, we discussed in a separate analysis of diplomatic initiatives.
Cuba: military threats and political reality
Cuba remains the third direction where Washington is increasing pressure. The Trump administration has expanded sanctions against Havana, and the president publicly allowed for military intervention.
However, an economic blockade, a limited operation, and an attempt to seize the island are completely different scenarios.
There is no confirmed decision on an invasion. A full-scale operation would require significant resources and create a new international crisis simultaneously with the ongoing war against Iran.
The Democratic majority in Congress will have the opportunity to investigate the administration’s actions in Latin America, including the legal grounds for military operations and the use of budgetary funds.
What changes for Israel
In Jerusalem, personal relations between the American president and the Israeli leadership are traditionally of great importance. But military aid, defense program funding, and arms supplies also depend on Congress.
On November 4, Reuters reported that Democrats might seek to revise American military support for Israel. Some lawmakers oppose certain arms supplies, while others propose broader restrictions.
This does not mean an immediate cessation of aid. But Israel faces an additional political problem: support from Washington increasingly depends on intra-party disagreements in the USA.
This is especially significant against the backdrop of the war with Iran. If Trump decides to continue large-scale operations and Democrats demand a reduction in corresponding expenses, Israel will be directly affected by the American budget confrontation.
Ukraine will face another side of the same situation: the parliamentary majority may seek to expand aid to Kyiv while simultaneously challenging the president’s decisions.
Until January 3: a period of uncertainty
The new Congress will be able to create investigative commissions, check the administration’s actions, and consider the issue of impeachment. However, impeachment does not mean automatic removal of the president: this requires the votes of two-thirds of the senators present.
Therefore, the Republicans’ defeat does not make Trump powerless. It changes the conditions in which he will have to act.
The nearest test will be decisions on Iran and the results of negotiations in Abu Dhabi. For Israel, it is especially important whether the American domestic political conflict will lead to changes in military cooperation.
These events are related but independent processes. The American elections have already changed the political balance in Washington. Whether this will turn into new military operations, diplomatic agreements, or budget confrontation will be shown by specific decisions of the administration and Congress.
On November 5, 2026, the scale of the Republicans’ defeat in the American midterm elections on November 3 became known. Democrats gained both houses of Congress: at least 54 seats in the Senate and an increase of at least 30 seats in the House of Representatives. In a New York Times column on November 4, columnist Christopher Caldwell argues that Donald Trump himself squandered the advantages gained after the victory in 2024. This is the author’s assessment, not the sole established reason for the failure.
Midterm elections occur in the middle of a presidential term. Americans do not re-elect the head of state but decide who makes laws, approves spending, and controls the administration. Democrats will take over Congress in January 2027; until then, Republicans retain the powers of the current composition.
The defeat is much broader than a usual change of majority
According to calculations by Reuters and USA Today, Republicans lost a share of the vote in 99% of approximately 2,200 districts where counting was almost complete by November 4. On average, the decline relative to Trump’s 2024 result was eight percentage points. Kansas elected a Democrat to the Senate for the first time in 94 years — Adam Hamilton. In Texas, James Talarico defeated Trump-backed Ken Paxton, and in South Carolina, Democrat Annie Andrews won. The party retreated even where the president confidently won two years ago.
Caldwell compares this blow to the 2018 midterm elections. Then, Republicans also lost the House of Representatives, but now, in the second term, Trump had a significantly more manageable state apparatus and expanded powers after Supreme Court decisions. At the end of October 2025, some polls still showed about 50% approval of the president; the economy continued to grow. Therefore, the columnist believes, the loss cannot be entirely explained by the inevitable dissatisfaction with the ruling party.
From raids in Minnesota to gas prices
Strict border security maintained support, but immigration raids in Minnesota and administration statements about welfare fraud among the Somali community sparked debates about methods. The restriction of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs escalated into pressure on universities and a conflict over freedom of speech. Abroad, threats to turn Canada into the 51st US state and a dispute with Denmark over Greenland irritated allies.
Caldwell considers Iran the most severe miscalculation. After American strikes on its nuclear facilities in June 2025, on February 28, 2026, the US and Israel launched Operation ‘Epic Fury.’ The April ceasefire did not bring a peace treaty; uncertainty around the Strait of Hormuz — a crucial oil supply route — persisted. Rising gas and diesel prices made the distant war a personal problem for the American motorist.
An AP poll of about 100,000 voters showed: about nine out of ten considered the cost of living a significant factor, about two-thirds linked inflation to Trump’s policies, and approximately 60% called the decision to start the war with Iran a mistake. In a separate pre-election study by Reuters/Ipsos, 55% of respondents deemed the war not worth the cost. These data do not allow declaring it the sole reason for the defeat.
Why Vance’s words worry Israel
On November 4, Vice President J.D. Vance wrote that Republicans lost because of the war. He recounted the responses of disappointed voters collected by a sociologist: end the war, address the cost of living, put America’s interests first, and change relations with Israel. This is not an announcement of breaking the alliance, but a significant change in political rhetoric at the White House. Vance is considered a possible presidential candidate in 2028. NANews previously reported on his public conflict with Israeli politicians.
For Israeli readers, it is important to distinguish between the president and Congress. American aid and arms supplies depend not only on White House decisions: lawmakers approve the budget, hold hearings, and can block appointments. After the war in Gaza, support for Israel among Democrats weakened, and some of their representatives oppose unconditional arms supplies. Trump announced an agreement with Benjamin Netanyahu to end annual military aid, but the legal basis for such a step is unclear. The president retains the right to veto, which can only be overcome by two-thirds of both houses.
Israel approaches this change without a formed new government. In the Knesset elections on October 27, Netanyahu’s bloc received 53 seats, Gadi Eisenkot’s bloc — 48, Arab parties — 19. A majority requires 61 mandates. Critics of Netanyahu associate the weakening of bipartisan support for Israel with his bet on Trump. A change of coalition in Jerusalem could change the tone of negotiations with Washington.
Trump acknowledged the results and allowed for cooperation with Democrats while emphasizing the right to veto. He does not abandon the war with Iran: he stated that he would repeat the decision to start it. Republicans urge the White House to reconsider the course. From January, his opponents will gain parliamentary levers, but the president will remain the commander-in-chief. For Israel, this means that good relations with the White House no longer guarantee unhindered support on Capitol Hill.
On November 3, 2026, at the Bloomberg Tech conference in London, Louis Mosley, responsible for the operations of the American company Palantir in the UK and Europe, spoke about the political pressure on the company. According to him, in the US it is criticized for supporting Ukraine, and in Europe for cooperating with Israel. Bloomberg reported this.
Palantir, among whose founders are Alex Karp and Peter Thiel, develops programs for integrating and analyzing large amounts of information: from satellite images to intelligence data and medical records. Mosley rejected the claim that the company has become particularly unpopular in Europe. According to him, its work is aimed at strengthening the security of Western states and is based on the principles of democracy and the rule of law.
However, disagreements between European governments and the Donald Trump administration have intensified the desire of states to independently control technologies on which the army, intelligence, and government institutions depend.
Ukraine: from recovery to combat artificial intelligence
In 2022, Palantir’s CEO Alex Karp visited Kyiv and met with Volodymyr Zelensky. On May 25, 2023, the company signed a memorandum of cooperation with Ukraine’s Ministry of Digital Transformation in defense and recovery: assessing damage, planning reconstruction, and working with data. Its technologies are also used to support law enforcement and investigations of possible war crimes.
In March 2024, Ukraine agreed with Palantir on the use of artificial intelligence in humanitarian demining. At that time, 156,000 square kilometers were considered potentially contaminated with explosive objects — this is the 2024 estimate, not the current area.
On January 21, 2026, Ukraine’s Ministry of Defense announced the launch of Brave1 Dataroom based on Palantir’s software. Developers are training algorithms to recognize Russian drones from regular and thermal images so that interceptor drones can find targets faster.
At a meeting with Karp on May 12, Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov reported: more than a hundred companies are working on more than 80 models. He also mentioned the analysis of air attacks, intelligence data, and planning long-range strikes.
Israel: agreement with the Ministry of Defense and questions about AI application
In January 2024, after a board meeting of Palantir in Tel Aviv and negotiations between its leaders and Israeli defense officials, the parties concluded a strategic agreement on technologies for military tasks.
The Israeli Ministry of Defense purchases technologies for the IDF — the Israel Defense Forces. But the agreement does not disclose which specific Palantir programs are used and in which operations.
Amid the war in Gaza, questions arose about the possible use of the company’s products in selecting military targets. Palantir denies involvement in the development of Israeli systems Gospel and Lavender, mentioned in investigations of artificial intelligence applications. Human rights organizations demand an investigation into the company’s role in military operations.
However, the existence of an agreement with the Ministry of Defense does not prove Palantir’s involvement in the development of these systems or violations of international law.
France seeks a replacement, Britain debates the contract
On June 16, 2026, France chose local ChapsVision to replace Palantir in the internal intelligence DGSI — the service responsible for counterintelligence and counterterrorism.
But the transition is not complete. The American system has been used there since 2016, and the current contract was extended in December 2025 until 2028. The replacement should be the French platform Argonos. Data transfer and staff training will take several years.
In the UK, there is a debate about Palantir’s contract with the NHS for 330 million pounds — about 1.4 billion shekels.
The company supplies the Federated Data Platform for analyzing hospital data. On November 2, The Guardian reported that 29 hospital organizations, listed as benefiting from the platform, stated: the system is not launched with them or its applications are not used.
The NHS defends the project and previously reported 137 organizations where the platform is operational. In 2027, the contract can be terminated early, but no such decision has been made yet.
NATO uses Maven, Germany and France abstain
In 2025, NATO acquired the Maven Smart System — Palantir’s platform for analyzing information from satellites, radars, and other sensors. On June 22, 2026, it reached full technical readiness.
However, Germany and France have not implemented Maven for their own armed forces, fearing dependence on an American supplier and possible access by outsiders to classified data.
On October 22, Mosley assured Reuters that neither Palantir nor the US government can remotely disable the NATO-acquired Maven system. This is the company’s statement, not the result of an independent technical review.
Political issues did not stop revenue growth
On November 2, Palantir published its financial results for the third quarter of 2026. Revenue reached 2.313 billion dollars — about 7.3 billion shekels, increasing by 96% year-on-year.
For the first time, American commercial customers brought the company more revenue than government ones: 984 million versus 953 million dollars. The annual revenue forecast has been raised to approximately 8.53 billion dollars.
Therefore, there is no basis to talk about a financial crisis at Palantir. Available reports also do not name specific American politicians or contracts canceled due to criticism of supporting Ukraine.
For Israel, the situation has practical significance. Strategic cooperation with the American company is maintained, but its work with the Israeli defense department has become a subject of European political disputes. At the same time, the decisions of France, Germany, and British institutions show that states assess not only the political reputation of the supplier but also the ability to independently manage classified data.
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On Wednesday, November 4, 2026, it became known about the official condemnation by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian strike on the village of Kamyshevaha in the Zaporizhzhia region of Ukraine. In a statement published on the official account of the department, it is reported that 40 people were killed as a result of the attack. Among the affected civilian objects was a school used for distributing humanitarian aid.
The Israeli Foreign Ministry expressed deep sorrow over the death of civilians, noted that many people are still missing, and condemned the attack. Israel expressed condolences to the families of the victims and wished the injured a speedy and full recovery.
The attack occurred on the morning of November 2. Local residents came to the school complex for food and essentials. Classes were not being held at the school at that time. The underground facility, originally built to protect students from shelling, was used as a humanitarian aid point and shelter for residents remaining in the frontline village.
According to Ukrainian authorities, Russian aviation dropped bombs on the complex. After the first hit, people took shelter in the underground bunker, but it was also struck. Among the injured were rescue service and police personnel who arrived at the scene.
In the NANews investigation into the strike on Kamyshevaha, it was reported how people who came for bread ended up under the rubble of a building intended to save lives. The material examines in detail the work of the humanitarian center, the circumstances of the attack, and the fates of local residents and staff who died in the strike.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reported on November 4 that the death toll had reached 40 people. According to him, some bodies have not yet been identified, and more than 30 people may still be under the rubble.
Zelensky noted that the search and rescue operation has been ongoing for the third day, despite the threat of repeated Russian strikes. He also called on the international community for a more decisive response and strengthening of Ukraine’s air defense.
A three-day mourning period has been declared in the Zaporizhzhia region — from November 3 to 5.
The statement by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs came at a time when rescuers continued to search for the missing. The final number of victims of the Russian strike has not yet been determined.
From the myth of the “Heavenly Jerusalem” to the slogans of Polish politicians: who needs the story of the relocation of Jews from Israel to Ukraine, and Ukrainians to Poland.
In Poland, Ukropolin is spreading — an anti-Semitic and Ukrainophobic conspiracy theory of Russian origin. According to it, Jews are supposedly to relocate from Israel to Ukraine and create a new state there, while Ukrainians are to settle in Poland, gain citizenship, and gradually deprive Poles of control over their own country. Supporters of this version fit Russia’s war against Ukraine into the same fictional plan: as if Ukrainian territories are being deliberately cleared for future Jewish population.
Poland, November 2026: why the “new conspiracy” is being talked about now
There are no decisions by the authorities of Poland, Ukraine, or Israel confirming such a project. But the story itself has been used for several years in Polish political debates, publications, and speeches by nationalist activists.
The reason for addressing it at the beginning of November 2026 is related to new research and public statements. In September, the Polish Gabriel Narutowicz Institute of Political Thought presented a 60-page report by Dr. Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz “Who Scares Ukropolin? A Conceptual Analysis of the Russian Narrative in Poland.” On September 23, the findings of the study were discussed on TOK FM radio. Then, on October 7, the Polish organization Demagog checked the latest statements about the alleged preparation for the takeover of part of Poland by Ukrainians. By early November, the topic was again in the Polish and Ukrainian information agenda.
The name itself has been used on the Polish internet approximately since 2022. It is composed of “Ukro“, referring to Ukraine, and Polin — the name of Poland in Hebrew. Conspiracy supporters use this word to denote the alleged Polish-Ukrainian state formation, which is supposedly to be controlled by Jews and foreign political elites.
Ukropolin: how the Russian anti-Semitic theory “connects” Israel, Ukraine, and “the takeover of Poland”
In reality, it is not about a bill, an international treaty, or an initiative of any government. It is a political myth that connects real migration processes, the Russian war, and international cooperation with long-standing notions of secret Jewish world governance.
In the Polish version, another element was added — the alleged loss of Poland’s independence.
Who is Ukraine intended for and why is Poland needed in this scenario
One of the most striking examples of the spread of Ukropolin was found not on the internet. At the end of 2025, near the Centrum metro station in Warsaw, leaflets “Ukropolin and its history” were distributed, prepared by the movement “Sovereignty of the Polish People” (Suwerenność Narodu Polskiego).
The authors of the leaflet claimed that Ukraine should become a refuge for Jews in case of worsening conditions in Israel in the Middle East. According to this version, the death of Ukrainians in the war and the departure of millions of refugees to Europe supposedly free up territories for new residents. A special place in the alleged plan was assigned to Poland: Ukrainians who moved there were supposedly to gain citizenship, voting rights, and eventually become the political majority.
Thus, two assertions are combined into a single construct: Jews are supposedly occupying Ukraine, and Ukrainians — Poland. The organization of this process is attributed to either Jewish circles, the USA, and other Western states, or Polish authorities. At the same time, no documents capable of confirming the existence of such a plan are presented by the theory’s spreaders.
The leaflet also contains a characteristic contradiction. Its authors simultaneously complain about the alleged mass settlement of Ukrainians in Poland and claim that many refugees have already returned home but continue to illegally receive Polish benefits 800+ — state payments to families with children. The internal inconsistency of the statements does not prevent them from being used to form suspicions towards Ukrainian refugees.
A separate place in this construct is occupied by the Russian war. The authors of the leaflet question Moscow’s responsibility for the threat to Poland’s security and state: “It is not Putin who threatens with war, but those who scare with him.” Polish politicians supporting Ukraine are called traitors to national interests. As a result, Russian aggression is pushed to the background, and aid to Ukraine is presented as dangerous for Poland itself.
From the Khazar Khaganate to “Israel 2.0”: Russian roots
To understand the origin of Ukropolin, one must turn to much older anti-Semitic mythology. One of its central images is Khazaria.
The Khazar Khaganate existed in the Middle Ages on the territories of the Black Sea and Caspian regions. Around the 8th century, part of its ruling elite adopted Judaism. This historical fact has no relation to any modern plans for the relocation of Israel, but even in Russian anti-Semitic journalism of the 19th century, Khazars were depicted as participants in a centuries-old conspiracy against Slavic peoples.
After the collapse of the USSR, the theory received a new name — “Third Khazaria.” In the views of its supporters, the Bolshevik regime was supposedly the “second Khazaria,” and the future “third” was to arise on Ukrainian territories. In this way, anti-Semitic authors tried to link completely different historical eras and political events into one fictional plot.
In the 2000s, Russian ultra-nationalist circles supplemented this story with claims about the “world government,” NATO, and Western elites. Since 2012, the fantasy of a “New Khazaria” on Ukrainian lands has been discussed in radical circles. After the Maidan and the start of Russian aggression in 2014, it was adapted to the new political situation.
Then the names “Heavenly Jerusalem,” “New Jerusalem,” and “Israel 2.0” became widespread.
Conspiracy theorists claimed that a Jewish state was planned to be created in the south and east of Ukraine, where millions of Israeli residents would relocate. In different versions, the borders, the proposed capital, the timing, and the number of settlers changed. NANews thoroughly analyzed this legend, including the fictional date of 2031.
One of the notable spreaders of such claims was pro-Russian activist Igor Berkut. He presented himself as the leader of the “Great Ukraine” movement, talked about the “New Jerusalem” project, showed maps of the proposed relocation, and claimed about the supposedly appeared first settlers in Odessa. In one version, the implementation period of the plan was called 2027.
These plots also penetrated the pro-Russian environment in the occupied territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. In 2019, Russian presidential adviser Sergey Glazyev publicly claimed that Ukrainian authorities were planning to settle Donbass with Jews. The Kremlin then distanced itself from his words, calling them the personal opinion of the adviser, but such a statement was already made not only in marginal journalism but also by a person from the Russian president’s entourage.
In her research, Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz relies, in particular, on the works of anthropologist Viktor Shnirelman and information operations researcher Konstantin Zydyraki. They help trace how anti-Semitic myths were combined with Russian propaganda against Ukraine and the West. This does not prove that Vladimir Putin personally invented Ukropolin or directs every Polish spreader of the theory. However, the origin of the key elements of this plot in the Russian nationalist and pro-Kremlin environment is documented.
Who turned Ukropolin into a Polish political slogan
Among the most notable popularizers of the term in Poland, the study names former diplomat Krzysztof Baliński.
He released the books “Poland or UkroPolin, that is, Poland — the Palestine of Europe?” in 2023 and “UkroPolin. From A to Z” in 2025. In his interpretation, the alleged unification of Poland and Ukraine is linked to Jewish and German circles, and Polish politicians are depicted as executors of their plans.
The leader of the “Sovereignty of the Polish People” movement Sławomir Zakrzewski used the slogan “Stop Ukropolin” at farmers’ protests in 2024. The Warsaw leaflet of late 2025 directly referred to Baliński’s book.
A significant role in spreading such ideas was played by the environment of the publication Myśl Polska, associated with the traditions of the Polish national-democratic movement. Among its authors is mentioned former Sejm deputy and founder of the pro-Russian party “Zmiana” Mateusz Piskorski. Publicist Konrad Renkas used the term Ukropolin as early as 2022. In May 2024, he published an article “War for UkroPolin?”, where he suggested that the unification of Poland and Ukraine could be beneficial to the USA and the UK as a way to involve Ukraine in NATO through Poland.
NATO — the North Atlantic Alliance, of which Poland has been a member since 1999. However, neither Poland’s membership in the alliance nor its support for Ukraine confirms the existence of a united state project.
The study also examines the activities of Agnieszka Pivar, who previously collaborated with the Polish edition of the Russian state Sputnik. In January 2023, she announced her departure from Myśl Polska, and later published reflections on the “New Jerusalem” as the alleged secret goal of the war. Journalists described her meetings with Alexander Lukashenko, Sergey Lavrov, and the Russian ambassador in Warsaw Sergey Andreev, as well as contacts with the biker club “Night Wolves.” Subsequently, Pivar participated in events of Grzegorz Braun’s party.
These connections show through which political and media circles the corresponding ideas were spread. But contacts with Russian representatives themselves are not yet proof of direct funding or receiving instructions from Moscow.
The most notable political popularizer of the slogan became Grzegorz Braun, leader of the “Confederation of the Polish Crown.” In the 2025 presidential elections, he received 6.34% of the votes in the first round. During the campaign, formulations “Not Ukropol, not Ukropolin, not Judeopolonia” were used, combining the rejection of Ukrainian presence with anti-Semitic notions of Jewish influence on Poland.
Braun was widely known even before this campaign. In December 2023, he extinguished Hanukkah candles with a fire extinguisher during a ceremony in the Polish Sejm — the country’s parliament. Later, the politician used the expression “broad front of fire extinguishers,” and the image of a fire extinguisher appeared on the products of his supporters.
The Polish study mentions other nationalist associations, including Kamraci and Bronimy Polskiej Granicy, as well as disputes around the memory of the Jedwabne pogrom of Jews in 1941, committed by local residents under German control. The magazine Najwyższy Czas!, founded by Janusz Korwin-Mikke, is also considered separately.
At the same time, not all Polish right-wing publications support the Ukropolin theory. As the researcher notes, Do Rzeczy is critical of it, and Gazeta Polska directly links such plots with Kremlin disinformation. Therefore, the spread of the conspiracy by certain political circles cannot be equated with the position of the entire Polish society.
Why Israel, Chabad, and Hanukkah candles are in this story
Israel is used in the Ukropolin theory not only as a supposed source of future settlers. Practically any contacts between Israel and Ukraine can be presented by its supporters as evidence of a secret political agreement.
For example, in November 2022, the magazine Najwyższy Czas! published material mentioning Ukropolin in connection with the planned Ukrainian-Israeli Innovation Summit in Warsaw in December — a Ukrainian-Israeli forum for innovation cooperation. Similar meetings were previously held in Tel Aviv and Kyiv. But a regular international business event was turned into a reason for suspicions of a hidden plan.
The same publication used the term Ukropolin in relation to a protest by Ukrainians in Krakow, after which a concert by the Russian band Little Big was canceled. The civic activity of Ukrainian refugees was presented as an example of their interference in Polish politics.
Conspiracy theorists assign a special role to Chabad. This is an international Hasidic religious movement that originated in the late 18th century and actively works with Jewish communities in Eastern Europe. Chabad is not the government of Israel, does not manage Israeli citizenship, and does not have the authority to change state borders.
However, in Braun’s speeches and Baliński’s books, Chabad is attributed with participation in the creation of the “Third Khazaria” and influence on Polish leaders. At the same time, Judaism, political Zionism, Chabad, and the state of Israel are described as if they were a single centralized structure. This substitution allows representing the religious activities of Jewish communities as part of a supposed international conspiracy.
Similarly, the theme of Hanukkah is used. For the Israeli reader, this is a well-known holiday during which candles are lit on a menorah. Such ceremonies have been held in the Polish parliament for many years. But supporters of anti-Semitic theories present them as signs of the subordination of Polish authorities to Jewish organizations.
The study also draws attention to President Karol Nawrocki’s decision not to continue the Hanukkah tradition in the presidential palace in 2025. However, there is no basis to automatically explain this decision by the influence of Ukropolin: different political events cannot be united by a common cause without evidence.
In December 2025, such disinformation took on a new form. On a fake TikTok account, videos appeared with an artificially created voice, presented as the voice of Miroslava Keryk, head of the Warsaw foundation “Ukrainian House,” which helps Ukrainian refugees. In the recording, it was allegedly proposed to light an additional Hanukkah candle for Ukrainian servicemen. At the same time, a fake screenshot of a message on behalf of Keryk was spread.
Earlier, in the same 2025, fake appeals were sent on behalf of the foundation to Polish city authorities with requests to allow rallies of Ukrainians in support of presidential candidate Rafał Trzaskowski. The study describes these episodes, but the identities of the organizers of the attacks have not been established.
Uman is a Ukrainian city where Jewish pilgrims come annually to the grave of Rabbi Nachman of Breslov. This is a religious tradition, not evidence of Israel’s territorial plans. However, in conspiracy publications, real pilgrim trips are combined with fictional payments to settlers, stories of Jewish autonomy, and fake videos. In this way, even ordinary contacts between Jewish and Ukrainian organizations can be turned into alleged evidence of a pre-conceived conspiracy.
What fact-checking showed and who benefits from the theory
In October 2026, Polish historian Lucyna Kulińska, who participated in events related to Braun’s political environment, again spoke about alleged Ukrainian territorial claims to Poland.
In a recording published on October 3, she claimed that Ukraine intends to occupy part of Podkarpacie — a Polish region on the border with Ukraine. It was allegedly about 19 powiats, that is, administrative districts. According to Kulińska, Poles were to be evicted under the guise of evacuation and not allowed to return home.
This story was supplemented with claims of mass deaths of people vaccinated against COVID-19, allegedly expected within five years. After this, according to the conspiracy version, a Polish-Ukrainian state under Jewish leadership was to emerge. Thus, anti-Semitism, Ukrainophobia, and disinformation about vaccination were combined in one story.
On October 7, the organization Demagog checked these statements. One of the reasons for the talks about territorial claims was the initiative of Verkhovna Rada deputy Ihor Huz to use Ukrainian versions of the names of some Polish settlements in Ukrainian documents. However, the proposal did not provide for changing state borders.
Polish evacuation rules also do not contain a plan for forced resettlement of the population with a subsequent ban on returning. The claim of mass deaths of people vaccinated against COVID-19 is not supported by medical data. Fact-checkers found no evidence of the key elements of the alleged takeover.
As a result, the Ukropolin theory is not just a set of fantastic claims about the future of Europe. It allows portraying Ukrainian refugees as a threat to the Polish state, Jewish religious traditions as a sign of hidden political control, and aid to Ukraine as a possible betrayal of national interests.
According to Katarzyna Kwiatkowska-Moskalewicz, such views contribute to the spread of distrust towards Ukrainians, Jews, and politicians supporting cooperation with Kyiv. At the same time, they shift attention from Russian aggression to the alleged conspiracy between Ukraine, Israel, and the West.
Such a result meets the interests of Russian propaganda. At the same time, it is important to distinguish the origin of the theory and the direct organization of its spread: the Polish study traces the Russian roots of the conspiracy plot but does not establish that every supporter of it in Poland acts on Putin’s personal instruction.
Ukropolin does not exist as a state project. There is a documented history of the spread of the anti-Semitic myth — from Russian nationalist journalism to Polish leaflets, publications, and politicians’ speeches.
The scheme, according to which Jews are supposedly to occupy Ukraine, and Ukrainians — Poland, allows simultaneously directing suspicions against two peoples. In it, the real consequences of the Russian war, the migration of millions of Ukrainians, international cooperation, and Jewish religious life are turned into details of a fictional deal. It is precisely on this mixture of verifiable events with unconfirmed accusations that the Ukropolin theory is based.
On the morning of November 4, 2026, it became known: in the US midterm elections, Democrats regained control of both houses of Congress. All 435 representatives and 35 senators were up for re-election. Associated Press and Reuters confirmed the shift in majority. According to Decision Desk HQ at the time of verification, Democrats have 232 seats in the House of Representatives compared to 141 for Republicans; a majority requires 218 out of 435. In the Senate, the Democratic camp, including independent allies, secured 54 seats against 44 for Republicans. The counting of individual districts continues.
Republicans lost Senate seats in Texas (James Talarico defeated Ken Paxton), Kansas (Adam Hamilton — Roger Marshall), South Carolina (Annie Andrews — Darlene Graham), Iowa (Josh Turek — Ashley Hinson), Ohio (Sherrod Brown — Jon Husted), North Carolina (Roy Cooper — Michael Whatley), and Maine (Troy Jackson — Susan Collins). In Texas, Gina Hinojosa surpassed Governor Greg Abbott and will become the first woman of Latino descent to lead the state. Democrats maintained positions in Georgia and Michigan.
Voters were concerned about prices, tariffs, corruption, and the war with Iran. However, the Democrats’ victory does not end Donald Trump’s presidential powers. The new Congress will begin work on January 3, 2027; the majority will be able to conduct investigations, review the budget, and block appointments. The President retains the right to veto — it was hinted at by Trump’s red VETO cap. Overcoming a veto requires two-thirds of the votes in each chamber, and in the Senate, many bills require 60 votes to end debate filibusters.
Israel: the dispute over billions began even before the votes were counted
On November 3, Trump announced that he had agreed with Benjamin Netanyahu to end approximately four billion dollars of annual aid to Israel after 2026. However, he promised to continue sales of American weapons. This statement is not yet a formal decision: the 2016 agreement provides for 38 billion dollars over ten years, or 3.8 billion annually, and is valid until September 2028. Congress approves funding, so early termination would require separate decisions.
For Israel, the issue concerns arms purchases, the army budget, and missile defense: the “Iron Dome,” “David’s Sling,” and joint developments. In July, the House of Representatives supported a defense bill for the 2027 fiscal year with 750 million dollars for joint programs, including 500 million for missile defense; final approval is still pending. The transition from grants to joint production is also being discussed, although disputes remain over intellectual property and American technology restrictions.
Israeli opposition — Gadi Eisenkot and Yair Golan — demanded explanations following Trump’s statement. The political moment is particularly difficult: in the Knesset elections on October 27, Netanyahu’s bloc received 53 mandates, Eisenkot’s allies — 48, Arab parties — 19. A government requires 61 deputies, and a coalition has not yet been formed.
Michigan and the new fault line among Democrats
42-year-old Abdul El-Sayed, who opposes American military aid to Israel, defeated Mike Rogers and became the first Muslim elected to the US Senate. He calls Israel’s actions in Gaza genocide; Israeli authorities reject this assessment. During the Democratic primaries, AIPAC — the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which supports the alliance between the two countries — and related structures spent nearly 30 million dollars supporting his opponent. El-Sayed was supported by Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Kamala Harris, and Barack Obama.
El-Sayed’s victory does not mean that all Democrats oppose Israel. But a Quinnipiac poll in June showed: 66% of surveyed Democrats consider American support for Israel excessive; in 2017, it was 20%. The new Congress will be able to more frequently raise questions about Gaza, the West Bank, arms supplies, and aid conditions. Jerusalem will have to work with both parties, not relying solely on the White House.
Ukraine: more opportunities, but not automatic supplies
For Kyiv, the rules for considering military aid, air defense funding, and sanctions against Russia are changing. Democrats will be able to appoint committee leaders, demand accountability, and include Ukrainian programs in the defense budget. In August, the Senate already supported a sanctions bill associated with the late Lindsey Graham, with 86 votes against 11: bipartisan support for certain measures remains.
In Indiana, JD Ford defeated Victoria Spartz, the first Ukrainian-born member of the US Congress, with an interim result of 51.79% against 48.21%. Spartz voted against a package of aid to Kyiv of about 61 billion dollars in 2024 and in 2025 called for territorial concessions to Russia.
Trump retains the right to negotiate with Kyiv and Moscow; even approved Congressional expenditures do not immediately turn into supplies. Democrats will be able to complicate White House decisions but not dictate peace terms.
A separate issue is Iran. The US and Israel’s war against it began on February 28, 2026, so now it’s not about “starting a war,” but about possible escalation: on November 3, Americans carried out limited strikes on Qeshm Island. Continuing hostilities depletes scarce Patriot and THAAD missiles, which are also needed to protect Ukraine. De-escalation will reduce the strain on stocks but does not guarantee the transfer of freed interceptors to Kyiv.
Israel awaits a decision on 3.8 billion dollars and defense partnership. For Ukraine — whether new supplies and sanctions will follow the new majority. This will be decided by budget votes and White House actions already in 2027.
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On November 25, 2026, a theatrical musical show “For Odessa!” will take place in Ashkelon — an evening of songs, stories, dances, and Jewish humor. Victoria Gissen, Marina Yakubovich, and an instrumental ensemble under the musical direction of Lev Sandyuk will perform on the stage of the Congress Hall. The author of the literary part of the program is Dr. Mordechai Yushkovsky, a researcher of Yiddish culture.
For readers of NANews, this concert is interesting not only because of the lineup. Its main theme is Odessa, a Ukrainian city that holds a special place in the history of the Jewish people and the development of modern Israeli culture.
The performance will begin at 19:30 at Yitzhak Ben-Zvi Street, 12. Duration — two hours. The ticket price, as indicated on the Ose Haim box office website, is 80 shekels.
Odessa, remembered for its songs, stories, and jokes
The poster for the performance features the building of the legendary Odessa market “Privoz,” a woman in a red dress, a man in a hat, and a white goose. This almost theatrical scene immediately sets the mood for the evening.
However, “For Odessa!” is not just a concert of familiar melodies.
The organizers present the program as a musical journey through the Jewish history of Odessa. The city developed Jewish theater, literature, journalism, cantorial singing, education in Yiddish and Hebrew.
It was here that people lived and worked whose names later became part of the cultural and social history of Israel. Odessa is connected with the lives of Chaim Nahman Bialik, Vladimir Jabotinsky, Ahad Ha’am, and other figures of Jewish national revival.
A separate theme of the performance is Odessa humor. Its peculiarity lies not only in jokes but also in the intonation, character of the characters, and the ability to talk about everyday difficulties with a smile.
Music and stories should connect these different sides of the city — from the noisy “Privoz” to literary salons, from family stories to songs passed down through generations.
Who will perform on stage
The main vocal parts will be performed by Victoria Gissen and Marina Yakubovich.
Victoria Gissen is known for musical-theatrical performances where the song becomes a small stage story. This format is especially suitable for a program built on Odessa characters and dialogues.
Marina Yakubovich is an Israeli singer born in the Ukrainian Ostroh, Rivne region. She has been performing Jewish songs for many years, working with the musical heritage of Yiddish, and participating in cultural projects in Israel and beyond.
Her participation adds another dimension to the evening: the Jewish culture of Ukrainian cities and towns continues to live on the Israeli stage.
The musical director of the performance Lev Sandyuk is known for his work with klezmer music — the traditional instrumental art of Eastern European Jews. It features violin, clarinet, accordion, and dance melodies.
The instrumental lineup will include:
Lev Sandyuk — keyboards.
Mikhail Blinkov — clarinet.
Evgeny Pisak — guitar.
Ilya Zhornitsky — accordion.
Alexander Botvinkin — percussion.
The dance part will be presented by the “Revolution” show ballet under the direction of Natalia Kligerman.
Mordechai Yushkovsky: the man who preserves language and memory
The literary part of the show was written by Dr. Mordechai Yushkovsky, a researcher of Jewish literature and Yiddish culture born in Ukraine.
Since 1989, he has lived in Israel. He received his doctorate from Bar-Ilan University, taught, trained Yiddish specialists, and worked for many years in the Israeli education system.
Yushkovsky is known for his lectures and publications on Jewish folklore, literature, and humor.
In a performance dedicated to Odessa, the participation of such an author is of special significance. Behind the funny stories and familiar melodies lies a cultural tradition that survived mass emigration, wars, and the destruction of a significant part of European Jewish communities during the Holocaust.
Why this evening is of interest to the Israeli audience
For many families in Israel, Odessa is part of their own history. Parents, grandparents brought songs, expressions, photos, and memories from there.
But the connections are deeper than family memory.
In the early 20th century, Odessa was one of the centers of Jewish public and cultural life in the territory of modern Ukraine. Jewish writers, journalists, teachers, and public figures participated in the formation of ideas that later developed in Israel.
Therefore, the evening “For Odessa!” can be perceived both as an entertainment program and as a meeting with a heritage that connects two countries.
Moreover, to get acquainted with this culture, it is not necessary to have Odessa roots. Music, humor, and stage stories allow you to learn about the city through the fates of its residents.
Where and when the show “For Odessa!” will take place
Date: Wednesday, November 25, 2026.
Time: 19:30–21:30.
City: Ashkelon.
Venue: Congress Hall, Yitzhak Ben-Zvi St., 12.
Cost: 80 ₪ according to the box office information.
The event is held under the auspices of the National Authority for Yiddish Culture. The poster also features the Ashkelon Municipality and Crystal Club.
Odessa in this performance is not just a city by the Black Sea. These are songs that continue to be performed in Israel, stories shared in families, and humor understood even by those who have never been to the famous “Privoz.”
On November 17, 2026, in Netanya, there will be a screening of the Israeli documentary film “This is Our Home” about the life of the Jewish community in Ukraine during the full-scale Russian invasion. After the screening, viewers will meet with director Alex Osmolovsky, ask him questions, and discuss what they have seen. The event starts at 19:00, and the ticket price is 85 shekels.
The screening will take place as part of the film club in Netanya, in the “Dortmund” hall of the Gehal HaTarbut cultural center. The 64-minute film will be shown in Russian and Ukrainian with subtitles in Ukrainian and Hebrew.
Why Jews of Ukraine continue to call it their home
At the center of the documentary “This is Our Home” (The Community) are Ukrainian Jews who remained in their country after the start of the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022.
‘This is Our Home’: in Netanya on November 17, 2026, a film about Jews in Ukraine during the war will be shown and a meeting with the director will be held
Through interviews and personal stories, the film tells how the war has changed the daily life of Jewish communities, what role religious traditions, culture, and memory of the past play in it.
The film’s characters experience the events in different ways. They are united by their attitude towards Ukraine as their own country, despite the danger, destruction, and uncertainty.
A separate theme of the film is the situation of Ukrainian Jews against the backdrop of Russian statements about alleged widespread Nazism in Ukraine. The director addresses the real fates of people whose lives and attitudes towards their homeland do not fit into such political claims.
Alex Osmolovsky returned to Ukraine, which he once called home
For director Alex Osmolovsky, working on the film was also connected with a personal story.
He once lived in Ukraine and considered it his home. Years later, Osmolovsky returned to see how the Jewish community is experiencing the war and to understand why people continue to associate their future with a country under Russian attacks.
The film’s producer is Michael Katrich, founder of the Israeli company Laco Films. The film was created with the participation of Israeli and Ukrainian filmmakers.
The film has already been presented to an international audience. In July 2025, screenings took place in Haifa and Tel Aviv, which NANews reported in a separate publication.
Now residents of Netanya and neighboring cities will be able to see the film and talk with its director.
After the film — a conversation with the director
The evening program will not be limited to the film screening.
Alex Osmolovsky will personally meet with the audience, talk about the history of the film’s creation, and answer questions. Participants will be able to discuss the fates of the characters, the preservation of Jewish identity, and the connection between people and the country where they were born or lived a significant part of their lives.
For the Israeli audience, especially for those from Ukraine, these questions are directly related to family history. Many Israelis maintain relatives, friends, and cultural ties in Ukraine, and some families have been divided by the war.
The film offers a look at this connection through the eyes of those who stayed in Ukraine.
Where and when the screening will take place in Netanya
The film screening and subsequent discussion will give viewers the opportunity not only to learn about the stories of Ukrainian Jews during the war but also to speak directly with the person who filmed these people and asked them the question: why does Ukraine, despite everything happening, remain their home?
On November 2, 2026, the Ukrainian publication UA.NEWS published a large interview by journalist Kristina Lomenko with Abbess Elizabeth, who heads the community of Ukrainian nuns at the Alexander Courtyard in the Old City of Jerusalem. 11 women live near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, receive pilgrims, help Ukrainians, and fear that the historic complex will come under Russian control.
At the end of the publication, the editorial team noted that the material was prepared with the assistance and support of the Embassy of Israel in Ukraine and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel. This circumstance deserves special attention, as the dispute over the Alexander Courtyard has been the subject of legal proceedings and diplomatic negotiations for many years.
However, the interview is interesting not only for the political aspect of the issue. Elizabeth provides a detailed account of the origins of the Ukrainian religious community, which appeared in Jerusalem long before the full-scale Russian invasion, her own life, her attitude towards Ukraine, and the people whom the nuns help during the war.
From Kyiv to Jerusalem: the story of the sisterhood that began in 1998
The origins of the current community are in Kyiv. In 1998, at the Church of St. Michael, the first Metropolitan of Kyiv, on the territory of the Alexander Hospital, Archpriest Roman Baranovsky created a sisterhood of mercy in honor of St. Elizabeth Fyodorovna. The materials about the association also mention Nun Barbara.
This was not a monastic community in the usual sense. Women who wanted to help those in need joined the sisterhood, not necessarily giving up their ordinary lives. They cared for hospital patients, visited the elderly, helped orphans, the homeless, and large families. Their activities extended to psychiatric institutions, a women’s correctional colony in Chernihiv, and people who needed home care.
Over time, the association became quite numerous. One historical description mentions 126 sisters, and the register of Orthodox sisterhoods lists 130 sisters of mercy and three assistants. The spiritual leader of the community was Archpriest Roman Baranovsky, and the senior sister was Irina Tobolina.
The name of the sisterhood is associated with Elizabeth Fyodorovna Romanova, the widow of Grand Duke Sergei Alexandrovich, the first chairman of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (IPPO) and brother of Russian Emperor Alexander III.
After her husband’s murder in 1905, Elizabeth Fyodorovna dedicated herself to charity and founded the Martha and Mary Convent of Mercy in Moscow. In 1918, she was killed by the Bolsheviks. Subsequently, the Orthodox Church canonized her.
It was with this tradition of mercy and religious service that the appearance of Ukrainian sisters in Jerusalem was associated.
The first participants came from Kyiv at the invitation of Nikolai Vorontsov-Hoffman, who headed the society. Women with experience in charitable and church work were selected for service in Jerusalem.
11 Ukrainian nuns have been serving at the Alexander Courtyard in Jerusalem since 2010, opposing its transfer to Russia and seeking support from Ukraine — interview with the assistance of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
On November 1, 2010, the dedication of the first sisters took place. The ceremony was conducted by Hieromonk Makary Butin, who served as the spiritual leader of the monastics at the Church of Mary Magdalene in Gethsemane. The participants received white garments reminiscent of the traditional clothing of the sisters of the Martha and Mary Convent.
The main task of the new association was to resume the continuous reading of the Unceasing Psalter at the Threshold of the Judgment Gate, an archaeological shrine on the territory of the Alexander Courtyard. According to the society’s historical materials, such a prayer tradition existed here before but was interrupted in the 1920s.
The renewed service has continued since 2010. The sisters take turns so that the reading of the Psalter does not stop for a long time.
Initially, the appearance of Ukrainians in unusual white garments aroused distrust among some religious communities of the Old City. Elizabeth recalls stories from the first sisters about how some representatives of the local clergy did not understand who these women were and on what grounds they served near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. There were even cases of refusal of communion.
Gradually, attitudes changed. The sisters continued to receive pilgrims, help visitors to the complex, and participate in the religious life of Jerusalem.
On November 1, 2015, the society celebrated the fifth anniversary of the sisterhood. The report on the celebration explained separately that it included both laywomen and women who had taken monastic vows. Being dedicated as a sister of mercy does not in itself mean taking monastic vows.
Elizabeth emphasizes this distinction in the new interview. Participants in the sisterhood can have families, work, study, and help at the church in their free time. Nuns, however, dedicate their lives to religious service.
Today, there are eleven Ukrainian nuns at the Alexander Courtyard, but they cannot be equated with the entire sisterhood. The Kyiv and Jerusalem communities are linked by origin and religious tradition, although it is not documented that they are a single legal entity.
How a student from Kamianets-Podilskyi became an abbess in Jerusalem
Elizabeth was born in Kamianets-Podilskyi, Khmelnytskyi region of Ukraine, and grew up in an ordinary family. After school, she entered Lazarski University in Warsaw, where she studied international economics and diplomacy.
In the summer of 2014, after her first year, she came to Kyiv and got acquainted with the sisterhood at the Church of St. Michael. She was surprised that among the participants were young women, including students, who combined education and daily responsibilities with helping those in need.
When the church announced a trip to Jerusalem, Elizabeth decided to join. Thus, she first found herself at the Alexander Courtyard, a place she later connected her life with.
For her family, her choice was unexpected. Her mother hoped that her daughter would return to ordinary life and continue her university education. However, Elizabeth decided to stay with the community and later took monastic vows.
This story was known long before the current escalation of the property dispute. On March 31, 2018, the publication LifeGid published the material “The Path of Christ and the Ukrainian Woman — Alexander Courtyard in Jerusalem”, in which Elizabeth talked about her acquaintance with the Kyiv sisterhood, studying in Poland, and her decision to stay in Jerusalem. In that publication, Nun Elena also spoke, introducing readers to the history of the complex.
Thus, the presence of the Ukrainian community near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre has a documented history that began long before the 2022 war.
Ukraine in Elizabeth’s life: war diary, prayers, and appeal to Kyiv
Although Elizabeth has spent many years in Jerusalem, she continues to perceive what is happening in Ukraine as part of her own life.
After the start of the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022, the abbess began keeping a war diary. Being thousands of kilometers from home, she recorded news about shelling, the experiences of relatives and acquaintances, and her own thoughts about what was happening.
Everyday life near Golgotha continued, while her loved ones remained in a country where war threatened everyone. These two worlds — Jerusalem’s religious service and events in Ukraine — became inseparable for her.
Elizabeth says that living abroad has only strengthened her respect for the Ukrainian people. She speaks of the abilities of Ukrainians, their spirituality, attitude towards their own culture, and desire to preserve freedom.
In this context, the fate of the Alexander Courtyard takes on special significance for her. The abbess sees the Ukrainian presence in the Old City not only as part of church life but also as an opportunity to maintain a connection with her country directly near one of the main Christian shrines.
According to her, Ukrainians living in Israel or coming here find at the courtyard a place where they can communicate in their native language, celebrate religious holidays, maintain traditions, and pray for their loved ones.
Elizabeth appeals to the Ukrainian authorities to pay more attention to the fate of this complex. She understands that the main forces of the state are directed towards the war, but she considers it necessary to think about preserving the Ukrainian religious and cultural presence abroad.
The abbess perceives the confrontation over the Alexander Courtyard as another dimension of the conflict with Russia — this time in the religious, historical, and diplomatic sphere. In her conviction, the loss of the opportunity to continue serving here would be a loss that would be difficult to make up for later.
At the end of the interview, Elizabeth read her own poem for Ukraine’s Independence Day. In it, she addresses her homeland, recalls the Ukrainian language, faith, freedom, Taras Shevchenko, Lina Kostenko, and Maidan. As journalist Kristina Lomenko recounts, the nun recited the last lines with tears.
Ukrainian soldiers who were helped in Jerusalem
After the start of the great war, people appeared in the life of the sisterhood who needed not only religious support.
In the interview, Elizabeth talks about former Ukrainian prisoner of war Alexei Anul. He spent ten months in Russian captivity, and after his release, he wrote the book “Jingle Bells.” Upon arriving in Israel, Alexei stayed at the Alexander Courtyard for several days and had long conversations with the abbess about his experiences.
Another case involves a 29-year-old Ukrainian serviceman Artem, who underwent a severe amputation. After unsuccessful prosthetics, he found himself in a state of deep despair. Elizabeth maintained phone contact with him, listened to him, and tried to help him get through this period.
Later, Artem underwent successful prosthetics in Ukraine and began walking again.
In stories about such meetings, the activities of the community are revealed, which rarely appear in official reports about the Alexander Courtyard. While diplomats and lawyers discuss ownership, inside the complex live women for whom helping specific people remains part of their daily service.
Why Russia seeks the Alexander Courtyard
The historic complex is located in the Old City of Jerusalem, near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. It includes the Church of Alexander Nevsky, the Threshold of the Judgment Gate, and other archaeological monuments.
The land was acquired back in the 19th century when Jerusalem was under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. After the 1917 revolution and subsequent political changes, various organizations emerged claiming the historical heritage of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society.
It is precisely the differences between these organizations that have become one of the central problems of the ownership dispute.
Special attention in the study is given to the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS), the historical society headed by Nikolai Vorontsov-Hoffman.
In the interview, Elizabeth talks about his activities in restoring the courtyard and protecting the society’s interests in the dispute with the Russian side. At the same time, she specifically emphasizes that the Ukrainian nuns are not the owners of the complex and do not make decisions about its legal fate. They are here at the invitation of the managing society.
In March 2022, the Jerusalem District Court canceled the registration of the Russian Federation’s rights to the Alexander Courtyard but did not establish a final owner. Due to the special status of the holy site, the issue fell under the competence of the Israeli government. This procedure is related to legal norms dating back to British legislation of 1924.
Despite this, the Russian side continued to seek the transfer of the complex.
In August 2026, Russian diplomats announced that the process had reached the “final stage.” Israel then did not confirm either a final decision or a date for the transfer of property. NAnews reported on these events in a separate publication.
Thus, by the time the UA.NEWS interview was published, the dispute remained open. For the eleven Ukrainian nuns, it is about the future of the place where their religious life continues, although they have no legal authority to determine the fate of the courtyard.
Why the UA.NEWS interview was prepared with the support of Israeli diplomatic departments
At the end of the interview, the Ukrainian publication placed a note:
“Матеріал підготовлено за сприяння та підтримки Посольства Ізраїлю в Україні та Міністерства закордонних справ Ізраїлю”.
In Russian, this means that the publication was prepared with the assistance and support of the Embassy of Israel in Ukraine and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel.
The editorial team added:
“Редакція продовжить слідкувати за перебігом подій”.
That is, Ukrainian journalists intend to continue monitoring the developments around the courtyard.
At the same time, UA.NEWS does not specify in what form the Israeli diplomatic structures participated in the preparation of the interview. From the published note, it is impossible to determine whether it was about organizational assistance, providing information, or other support.
The very fact of such support does not mean that the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs has taken an official position in favor of the Ukrainian nuns or one of the parties to the property dispute.
For Israel, the issue of the Alexander Courtyard remains simultaneously legal, religious, and diplomatic. It affects property rights, the special regime of Jerusalem’s holy sites, and relations with foreign states.
NAnews has been covering this story for several years, publishing materials on court decisions, Russian diplomatic statements, and the historical grounds of property claims.
The new UA.NEWS interview complements the already known chronicle with testimonies of Ukrainian women whose community traces its history from Kyiv in 1998 and continues its service in Jerusalem since 2010.
For Elizabeth and the other nuns, the Alexander Courtyard has long become home. And now they are appealing to Ukraine not to ignore the place where the Ukrainian religious tradition has been preserved for sixteen years.
The final decision on the legal fate of the complex still depends on the authorized bodies of Israel.
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On November 3, 2026, Volodymyr Zelensky reported that the target of the night Russian attack was power plants and substations in nine regions of Ukraine. According to him, Russia launched 289 drones, 17 ballistic and 59 cruise missiles. At the same time, searches for people continued after the strike on Komyshuvakha, and in Kharkiv and Dnipro, damage in hospitals and residential areas was being cleared.
In the morning address, Zelensky listed the Odesa, Cherkasy, Zhytomyr, Vinnytsia, Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, Chernivtsi, Chernihiv, and Rivne regions. The main targets, according to him, were generation facilities — electricity production — and substations distributing it to consumers. In many cities and communities, emergency shutdowns were introduced, not provided for by the usual schedule.
In the Zhytomyr region, about 130 settlements — more than 180 thousand subscribers — were left without electricity. Damage to energy facilities was also confirmed in the Odesa and Vinnytsia regions. In Kharkiv, there were disruptions in heating, hot water, and electric transport, while in Dnipro and the Kyiv region, emergency shutdowns were in effect.
Komyshuvakha: the death toll increased overnight
On November 2, Russian aviation struck a school in Komyshuvakha, Zaporizhzhia region. No classes were held there: humanitarian aid was distributed weekly to the remaining residents in the building. As previously reported by NANews, initially, there were reports of 18 dead and 27 missing, in the evening — 26 dead. By the morning of November 3, the head of the regional military administration, Mykhailo Semikin, reported 29 dead, five injured, and 48 missing.
According to Ukrainian authorities, the first strike was carried out with heavy guided bombs FAB-3000 weighing about three tons, and then nine more aerial bombs were dropped on the shelter where people had descended. Zelensky believes that the Russian side knew about the regular distribution of aid; it is currently impossible to independently confirm the military’s knowledge of this circumstance.
Among the dead were four police officers and rescuers Denys Konovalenko and Oleksiy Suschevsky, both 44 years old. The first served for almost 12 years, the second since 2013. Two more employees of the State Emergency Service of Ukraine were injured. The search was hindered by the danger of repeated strikes; mourning was declared in the region.
Kharkiv: cardiology department damaged
Around 03:20 on November 3, a strike hit the passage between the buildings of the city clinical hospital in the Nemyshlyansky district of Kharkiv. Initially, 62 people were reported injured, then 73. Zelensky clarified that the cardiology department, where patients were being treated, was damaged. The evacuation of 226 people from the hospital began.
A medical laboratory, another healthcare facility, windows of ten apartment buildings, and 13 cars were also damaged. Many of the injured had an acute stress reaction: the total number does not mean that all received physical injuries. Investigators preliminarily identified the ammunition as FAB-250 with a UMPK-5R module — a control and guidance kit allowing the aerial bomb to glide to the target. An investigation into the war crime has begun.
Dnipro: one dead, 17 injured
On the night of November 3 and in the morning, strikes hit a residential area, a combined heat and power plant (CHP, producing electricity and heat), a police department, and administrative buildings in the Samarsky district of Dnipro. A hospital and an outpatient clinic — a facility for receiving patients without hospitalization — were damaged. Almost a hundred patients in the hospital, according to local authorities, were not injured, nor was the staff.
The number of injured consistently increased from five to 15 and 17; one person died. Three men were in serious condition. Rescuers extracted nine people from the rubble, and later reported rescuing another woman. Work continued under the threat of new strikes.
What is known about missiles and air defense
In the report of the Air Forces of Ukraine at 09:00, 289 drones were named, including 120 jet-powered, and 59 cruise missiles. The number of ballistic missiles — 17 — was separately mentioned by Zelensky. “Iskander-M”, KN-23, “Zircon”, Kh-101, Kh-59, Kh-69, and “Iskander-K” were used, as well as Shahed drones, “Gerbera” and “Parody” imitators.
Air defense reported 309 intercepted or suppressed targets: three ballistic, 49 cruise missiles, and 257 drones, including 89 jet-powered. Data on three cruise missiles were being clarified. Electronic suppression does not necessarily mean physical destruction. Hits were registered in 23 places, debris falls in 14. The air raid alert continued.
Iranian-origin Shahed are known to Israelis, but comparing the interception rates of Ukraine and Israel without considering the size of the territory and the composition of the defense is not possible. The day before, Zelensky spoke about the shortage of Patriot interceptor missiles — American air defense systems — and warned of a strike on energy and logistics.
In the morning, he linked the date of the attack to the US Congress elections on November 3: in his opinion, Russia hoped that America would not notice the strike. The president called for helping Ukraine protect its airspace, not to silence the consequences of the shelling, and to strive for a reliable peace with the participation of the US. This is his political assessment, not an established motive of the Russian command.
