Category: nanews

On the night of February 26, 2026, Russia conducted one of the largest combined attacks in recent months, simultaneously using missiles of various types and hundreds of strike drones. Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, Odesa region, Poltava region, Kryvyi Rih, Dnipropetrovsk, and several other regions of Ukraine were under attack.

According to Ukrainian military and local authorities, the attack continued throughout the night and effectively transitioned into the morning hours, which has become a characteristic tactic of pressure on the country’s air defense system and energy infrastructure.

How the night attack developed: drones, missiles, and strategic aviation

Launch of ‘Shaheds’ and the flight of strategic bombers

The first alarm signals appeared at night when the Ukrainian Air Force detected the movement of strike drones from the northern and eastern directions. The drones moved along several routes — towards Kharkiv, Poltava, Chernihiv region, as well as across the Black Sea to the southern regions.

Around two in the morning, monitoring channels reported the takeoff of Russian strategic bombers Tu-95MS and Tu-160 from the ‘Engels’ and ‘Olenya’ airfields. Such flights traditionally indicate preparation for long-range missile launches.

Almost simultaneously, air alarms covered a significant part of Ukraine’s territory. Air defense forces began operations in several regions, and residents were urged to stay in shelters.

Strikes on cities and residential infrastructure

One of the most indicative episodes was a drone strike on a residential building in Kryvyi Rih. The drone hit a five-story building, damaging the structure and breaking windows. According to preliminary data, elderly residents of the city were injured.

In Kharkiv, the attack was of a combined nature — missiles and drones flew over the city simultaneously. Explosions were recorded in the Shevchenkivskyi, Kyivskyi, and Slobidskyi districts. Residential buildings, civilian infrastructure, and enterprises were affected. Among the injured were children.

Zaporizhzhia also came under massive attack. Both apartment buildings and the private sector, commercial facilities, and elements of urban infrastructure were damaged. Regional authorities reported dozens of damaged buildings.

Such attacks, aimed simultaneously at different regions, are seen by analysts as an attempt to overload the air defense system and create maximum pressure on the country’s energy sector.

In the midst of the events, the editorial team of NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency notes: the nature of the shelling increasingly resembles a strategy of systematic exhaustion of infrastructure rather than separate military operations.

Geography of strikes: from Kyiv to southern Ukraine

Kyiv and region under missile threat

In the capital of Ukraine, the consequences of the attack were recorded in several districts. In the Darnytskyi district, apartments in a residential building were damaged due to falling debris, fires broke out in garages in the Holosiivskyi district, and a private house caught fire in the Pecherskyi district.

In the Kyiv region, destruction and fires occurred in the Vyshhorod and Brovary districts. Warehouses, private houses, and cars burned after the fall of debris from downed targets.

In the morning, the attack continued — the military warned of new missile launches from Russian territory and the threat of repeated drone strikes.

Strikes on energy and industrial facilities

Special attention during the attack was focused on energy infrastructure. In the south of the Odesa region, a strike on an energy facility was recorded, confirming ongoing attempts to disable systems providing electricity and heat to the regions.

In the Poltava region, industrial enterprise facilities and power lines were damaged. More than 18,000 household consumers and almost two thousand enterprises were temporarily left without electricity.

In the Dnipropetrovsk region, attacks continued almost all night. The Nikopol district and Kryvyi Rih direction were under attack, where houses, cars, and even solar panels were damaged — a rare but indicative episode of impact on alternative energy.

Scale of the attack and Kyiv’s reaction

President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky stated that 420 drones and 39 missiles of various types, including ballistic ones, were launched across the country. Destruction was recorded in at least eight regions, and dozens of people were injured.

According to him, strikes were also made on gas infrastructure and electrical substations, which directly affects the stability of the energy system in the winter period.

The Ukrainian Air Force reported that air defense forces managed to destroy a significant number of targets: dozens of missiles and hundreds of drones were intercepted. However, it was not possible to completely avoid hits — direct strikes and falling debris were recorded at dozens of locations.

The military emphasizes that the attack is effectively ongoing, as separate groups of drones remain in the airspace.

The situation confirms the trend of recent months: Russia increasingly uses high-density combined strikes, trying to simultaneously impact energy, cities, and the psychological resilience of Ukraine’s population.

There are films that you don’t need to “pick apart” — you just recognize yourself from the first minute.
The family comedy “NU MAM” is just like that: about our childhood, our families, our love — funny, very human, and at times painfully familiar.

The film was made in Ukraine during the war. It’s not a “heavy war movie,” but a warm story that supports and embraces — that’s why you want to watch it in a theater, next to your loved ones.

Screening organizer – Created in Ukraine.

Screenings will be held in Ukrainian with English subtitles.
Age restriction: 12+.
Duration: 90 minutes.

What “NU MAM” is about — and why it’s so recognizable

The film consists of several stories that intertwine with each other. Each one is about different types of relationships between mothers and children: from childhood to adult life, when you seem independent, but the bond with your mother remains the strongest.

This movie is about moments that everyone knows:

• when you say: “Maaam, don’t start,” and realize it’s already too late;

• when the call “Have you eaten?” comes exactly when you’re on a date, at work, on the road — anywhere but “in the kitchen”;

• when care turns into a superpower that works even at a distance — across cities, countries, and thousands of kilometers.

The main emotion here is warmth. The comedy is not about “perfect people,” but about real ones: a little funny, stubborn, touching. About how we grow up, argue, try to be independent — and still return to the most basic: to family.

Why this movie is good to watch in Israel

In Israel, the theme of “mom and distance” sounds especially recognizable — not only for Ukrainians. Here, half the country lives between two homes: parents in another city, children in the army, family scattered around the world, calls “how are you?” and “have you eaten?” — it’s almost a national genre of care.

For Ukrainians in Israel, this plot hits right in the heart: the war has once again made Ukraine part of everyday conversations, and the connection with loved ones — something to hold onto literally every day.

But for Israelis, this movie will also be close: it’s about family without gloss, about love that sometimes annoys but doesn’t let go. About mom’s anxiety, about the habit of controlling, about funny scenes where you recognize your kitchen, your voice on the phone, your “well, it started.”

That’s why such screenings often become not just a “trip to the movies,” but an evening “meeting place”: you leave the hall — and want to talk, smile, remember, and most importantly — call those who matter.

Who’s on screen and who made the film

Producer and idea author: Yevhen Taller
Director: Oleh Borshchevskyi
Production: KyivFilm
Screening organizer: Created in Ukraine

The film stars (among others): Ada Rogovtseva, Olesya Zhurakivska, Kateryna Kuznetsova, Olena Kravets, Hanna Kuzina, Oleksandr Yarema, Ostap Stupka, Roman Lutskiy, Dmytro Pavko, Natalia Sumska, Ahtem Seitablaiev, Oleh Panyuta and others.

Dates, cities, venues

March 5, 2026 (Thursday) — Haifa

Venue: Planet (Hall 17) in CineMall, Sderot a-Histadrut 55
Doors open: 18:45
Start: 19:00
Ticket price: 81–106 ₪

March 7, 2026 (Saturday) — Tel Aviv

Venue: Anis Cultural Center, Paamonit St. 9
Doors open: 20:00
Start: 20:45
Ticket price: 81–116 ₪

Screening organizer – Created in Ukraine. –  https://www.facebook.com/createdinUA

Tickets are already available –

https://showman.co.il/e/nu-mam-film/

Ukraine stood firm where most forecasts promised it a quick collapse. Despite pressure on the front, strikes on energy, and Russia’s demographic advantage, a strategic turning point in favor of Moscow never occurred. This is written by Rajan Menon, professor of international relations at the City College of New York and senior research fellow at the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies at Columbia University, in a column for The Guardian.

The main thesis of the expert is that the war, conceived as a quick operation, turned into a protracted attrition for the Kremlin without a clear prospect of victory.

Ukraine refuted early predictions of defeat

At the beginning of the full-scale invasion, many analysts expected Ukraine to fall within a few days. Russia’s population is more than three times that of Ukraine, GDP is about ten times higher, the army is significantly larger, and the arsenal of tanks, artillery, missiles, and aviation is greater.

“The Russian leadership, including Putin, expected the Ukrainians to capitulate, perhaps even to welcome Russian troops,” notes Menon.

Even the US and UK intelligence, which predicted the war itself, forecasted a quick Russian victory.

The reality turned out to be different.

It is estimated that Russian losses have reached 1.2 million people, including more than 200,000 confirmed deaths. Geolocation counts indicate nearly 24,000 units of destroyed, damaged, or captured equipment. These figures have been a shock to observers—and likely to Putin himself.

Winter, energy strikes, and civilian resilience

Russian attacks on Ukraine’s energy infrastructure in the winter of 2022–2023 left millions of people without light and heat. The winter of 2025–2026 was even harsher—thousands of missiles and drones rained down on cities and power plants.

Ukraine objectively does not have enough air defense systems to fully protect all targets.

Nevertheless, as the expert notes, the same phrase is heard in the country: “We have no choice but to fight if we want to survive.”

This moral factor, according to Menon, became one of the key reasons for the disruption of Russian plans.

Drones and a new type of war

Menon emphasizes that the war on the battlefield has changed. Ukrainian drones deprived the Russian army of the ability to conduct classic large-scale armored breakthroughs.

Maneuverability in conditions of total surveillance and strike drones has become deadly dangerous.

Russian units have adapted: they use small infantry groups, motorcycles, cars, and even pack animals to reduce armored vehicle losses. However, the technological advantage in the field of drones, according to the expert, often remains with Ukraine.

Up to 60–70% of losses in this war are related to drones.

Ukraine also actively uses its own missile developments, including the modified “Dovgy Neptune” and other models, striking Russian command posts, airfields, and oil refineries. According to the publication, the defeats affected almost every second refinery, impacting the fuel market within Russia.

Sea drones and anti-ship missiles forced the Russian Black Sea Fleet to relocate its headquarters from Sevastopol to Novorossiysk.

In analytical reviews by Nikk News — Israel News | Nikk.Agency it is repeatedly emphasized that technological adaptation has become one of the key factors in the balance of power in this war.

Russia has not captured a single major city after Avdiivka

After taking Avdiivka in February 2024, Russia was unable to capture a single major city. Since 2024, its average daily advance in certain directions has been measured in tens of meters.

In a year, Moscow gained about 1.5% of Ukraine’s territory, losing tens of thousands of people monthly.

To annex the remaining part of Donbas, Russia needs to break through fortifications and storm the agglomeration of Sloviansk — Kramatorsk — Kostyantynivka. This requires resources that the Kremlin has not yet demonstrated.

Putin and the illusion of control

Menon suggests that Putin may understand the discrepancy between the generals’ reports and the real situation. Statements about “advancing along the entire front line” contrast with independent data.

The expert notes that proposals for partial settlement may be related to the realization of limited capabilities.

At the same time, despite societal fatigue, about 75% of Ukrainians, according to polls, reject the scenario of transferring territories to Russia that its army could not capture.

The conclusion of the analysis is as follows: Russia has not formally lost, its economy has not collapsed, military power remains significant. But there is no strategic victory, and the war has turned into an exhausting confrontation with no obvious way out.

This, according to the author, is the main paradox: understanding the limitations of his results, Putin continues a war for which the real chances of success were not initially calculated.

He was born in Lviv, became an Israeli citizen, coached children at “Maccabi Be’er Sheva,” served in the IDF, and then returned to Ukraine — and to a war that was not of his choosing. He voluntarily joined the “Right Sector”, helped train recruits, later signed a contract with the UAF and commanded a platoon in the International Legion of Territorial Defense. He died near Bakhmut — as a man who lived between two countries and remained loyal to both. The story of Dmytro Fialka is not just about heroism, but about choice and duty that is stronger than fear.

Lviv. Birth and Roots

Dmytro Bohdanovych Fialka was born on June 21, 1983, in Lviv. It was the city where everything began for him: football, first friends, the smell of the yard, and cold morning training sessions at the school stadium. He grew up in a family that valued hard work and knew the price of responsibility. And, as acquaintances later recalled, he was focused from childhood — never fussed, acted calmly and precisely.

When he was about fifteen, the family moved to Israel. Repatriation, a change of language, a different climate and culture — all of this was a challenge. But it was there, in Israel, that Fialka learned to overcome himself.

Israel. Service and Formation

After moving to Israel, Dmytro graduated from school and obtained citizenship. He served a three-year term in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), in the “Nahal” brigades, and participated in combat operations against the “Hezbollah” group during the Second Lebanon War.

This chapter of his life became foundational. There, in the dusty valleys and hot positions, he understood what discipline was, what trust meant, and the responsibility for others. He later often told friends: “The army made me a man. I don’t regret a single day.”

The service ended, but the habit of acting, not talking, remained. And then football reappeared in his life.

Coach at “Maccabi Be’er Sheva”

From 2008 to 2013, Dmytro Fialka worked as a coach for the youth teams of the “Maccabi Be’er Sheva” club. In the official records of the Israel Football Association (IFA), he is listed as דימה פיאלקה (Dima Fialka).

He coached teenagers, led them to tournaments, and helped them find confidence on the field. One of his trainees was Or Dadia, who later became a player for the “Hapoel Be’er Sheva” club. In an interview, he said:

“Dima was my first coach. He could explain without shouting. After he left for Ukraine, we still corresponded. He was interested in how I was playing. I will never forget this.”

For Fialka, football was not just a job. It was a language he spoke with children. He demanded from them the same as he demanded from himself — precision, respect, and honesty.

Return to Lviv and New Life

In 2015, Dmytro returned to Ukraine. The reason was simple and human — a sick grandmother. He settled again in Lviv, where he started. He met Eva, got married, and became the father of two children — a daughter and a son.

In Lviv, he continued his coaching work: first at the “Dynamo Lviv” club, then at the DYUSSH FC “Lviv”, where he worked with teenagers. Before the war, he coached the youth team of Dynamo Lviv, as confirmed by publications in Israeli and Ukrainian media.

Colleagues recalled that Dmytro always came first and left last. During training, he repeated:

“If you want to be listened to — be an example.”

He lived modestly but with dignity. He loved children, his family, and football. And, as Israeli journalists later wrote about him, “he lived between two flags, but never betrayed either.”

War. Volunteer and Commander

When Russia launched a full-scale invasion in February 2022, Dmytro did not wait for a summons.

He volunteered for the Ukrainian Volunteer Corps “Right Sector”, where he helped select and train recruits. Later, he signed a contract with the Armed Forces of Ukraine and became a platoon commander in the International Legion of Territorial Defense of the UAF — a unit that included both Ukrainians and foreigners, among them veterans from Israel, Poland, the USA, and Canada.

His call sign was “Ship”.

He did not like to talk much about the war. In one of the messages to friends, he wrote:

“There are no strangers here. Everyone is your own if they are nearby.”

Fighters recalled that he knew how to maintain order, never lost composure, and never left his subordinates.

Death near Bakhmut

On September 1, 2022, Dmytro Fialka died near Bakhmut while performing a combat mission. According to official Ukrainian and Israeli media reports, he received a gunshot wound to the head.

Dmytro’s body remained in territory controlled by Russian forces. For six weeks, his family and volunteers fought for his return. On October 11, 2022, his remains were returned to Ukraine as part of a body exchange between Ukraine and Russia.

This news was covered by major Israeli and Ukrainian media. Times of Israel reported that “the body of the former Israeli soccer coach was returned to Ukraine after exchange negotiations.” Ynet clarified that this exchange was the result of significant diplomatic and humanitarian efforts.

Israeli Family and Burial Decision

In Israel, in Be’er Sheva, where Dmytro’s mother and younger brother lived, the news of his death caused deep shock. Relatives began a fundraising campaign — about 15,000 shekels to transport the body for burial in Israel.

But Dmytro’s family in Lviv decided otherwise. His wife Eva insisted that he should remain where he lived and for what he died — in Ukraine. This dilemma was painful for both sides, but the decision was made calmly, with respect. Israeli relatives returned the collected funds to donors, calling it “a tribute of memory and love without borders.”

There was no conflict in this story. There was only pain, shared between two countries.

Funeral in Lviv

On October 21, 2022, Dmytro Fialka was buried in the Jewish section of Yaniv Cemetery in Lviv. The ceremony was attended by representatives of the Jewish community, Israeli diplomats, volunteers, and his former students.

Two flags — Ukrainian and Israeli — stood side by side. Not as a symbol of division, but as a sign that one person can be a home for two nations at once.

Radio Liberty wrote that words about his courage and modesty were spoken at the funeral. He was not a politician, did not strive to be a hero. He simply did what he considered right.

Memory and Recognition

After Dmytro’s death, his name appeared in the memorial lists of the International Legion of the UAF. In Israel and Ukraine, dozens of publications were written about him — from sports portals to major publications.

The Israel Football Federation confirmed his status as a former coach of the “Maccabi Be’er Sheva” club. On social media, Israeli players and coaches posted photos with the caption “Dima Fialka – forever coach.” In Lviv, he is remembered as a teacher who could speak to children so that they listened not out of fear, but out of respect.

A Man Between Flags

Dmytro Fialka lived a life that cannot be measured in kilometers. He was born in Ukraine, grew up in Israel, returned to Ukraine, and died defending it.

Israeli media wrote about him warmly. Israel Hayom called him “a soldier of two homelands,” Ynet — “a coach remembered by everyone who learned from him to be strong.” Ukrainian sources — “a man who understood that freedom knows no borders.”

He did not leave behind loud speeches — only an example. And this example is worth more than any awards.

Moral and Conclusion

The story of Dmytro Fialka is not about death. It is about the choice a person makes when they cannot do otherwise. About the fact that true belonging to a country is not a passport, but an action.

He was a Jew, a Ukrainian, an Israeli. He was a father, a husband, a coach, a soldier. And he became a person who proved: loyalty is not geography, but an inner truth.

When we see two flags side by side — Israeli and Ukrainian — we should remember that sometimes one person can connect them more strongly than dozens of diplomatic agreements. Such a person lived. His name was Dmytro Fialka.

Moral: Memory That Unites Two Nations

There are dozens, hundreds of such destinies. People whose lives passed between Israel and Ukraine, between two homelands, between two worlds that seemed distant until pain brought them closer.

These are stories of Israelis of Ukrainian origin, IDF veterans, volunteers, doctors, IT specialists, and ordinary citizens who stood alongside Ukrainians during the war. And each of them, like Dmytro Fialka, carries a part of a common code — human and honest.

When society remembers such people, it becomes stronger. Memory is not just an archive. It is a mirror of conscience. It reminds us that the true connection between countries is born not in offices, but in the actions of those who do not seek profit, who simply do what they consider right.

Dmytro Fialka showed that patriotism can be dual, but loyalty is one. He lived at the intersection of cultures, spoke two languages, prayed in different words, but in his heart had one principle: life is worth living with honor.

Society — both Ukrainian and Israeli — is obliged to remember such people. They become a bridge between nations that too often share pain. And it is thanks to such stories that we see that heroism is not about war, but about humanity.

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Main Sources:

• Ynet — גופת מאמן הכדורגל הישראלי שנהרג בקרבות הוחזרה לאוקראינה
• Times of Israel — Body of former Israeli soccer coach killed in Ukraine returned in prisoner swap
• Israel Hayom — הישראלי שנהרג באוקראינה הובא למנוחות בלבוב
• Bhol — גופת ישראלי שנהרג באוקראינה הוחזרה לישראל במסגרת חילופי גופות
• KAN News — אזרח ישראלי נהרג בלחימה באוקראינה
• Walla News — גופת האזרח הישראלי שנהרג באוקראינה הוחזרה לישראל
• Radio Liberty — Dmytro Fialka, killed near Bakhmut
• Ukrinform — A Ukrainian who served in Israel died
• ZAXID.NET — Dmytro Fialka, who died at the front, was buried in Lviv
• Wikipedia (ukr.) — Fialka Dmytro Bohdanovych
• Israel Football Association (IFA) — registry of coaches of the Maccabi Be’er Sheva club

Exactly four years ago, Russia began an “operation” that many in Moscow at the time expected to complete in a matter of weeks or at most a couple of months — by crushing Ukrainian statehood, governance, and will to resist.

The main outcome of these four years is already obvious.

The war continues.
Ukraine has preserved its statehood.
Preserved governance.
Preserved the army and society.
And continues to resist — fiercely, at times transitioning to counterattacks.

We do not know when and how this war will end. As long as Putin is alive, there is little hope for a normal conclusion. But the cost of this war for the Russian Federation will be terrible — they just do not fully understand it yet.

And it is important to remember: February 24, 2022, is not the “beginning of everything,” but a new, most large-scale stage of the war.

2013–2014 — Revolution of Dignity.
February 2014 — shootings on Maidan.
March 2014 — annexation of Crimea.
Spring 2014 — beginning of the war in Donbas.
February 24, 2022 — full-scale invasion.
Then — Bucha, Mariupol, Izyum. Liberated cities. Counteroffensives. Missiles, “shaheds”, FPV.

Over these years, Ukraine has lost thousands of lives. Lost part of its territories. Many cities are destroyed or deserted. Prisoners, tortured, raped. Millions of people were forced to leave. An entire nation lives with trauma.

And yet — Ukraine stands.

Yes, one can get tired.
One can be afraid.
One can sometimes lose heart.

The main thing is to return to oneself. And not to lose humanity.

For some in the West, these four years are just another political cycle, another reason for “deep concern” over morning coffee. For Ukrainians, it is almost fifteen hundred days, and each of them is paid for with someone’s blood.

During this time, the world has seen much: from loud applause in parliaments and congresses to cynical delays in decisions, where each week of “debates” cost Ukraine new victims. Ukraine has been repeatedly tried to be convinced that the fate of the war can be decided by someone from outside — by elections, cabinet agreements, foreign political will.

But history is written not only in Washington, Brussels, or other capitals.

It is written in frozen trenches.
In the workshops of underground productions.
In volunteer headquarters.
In every hryvnia that people give to collections instead of their own peace.

That is why those who say: Ukraine has already won — at least in the sense that it did not disappear in those weeks when many expected its fall. It stood firm when help was limited, and forecasts were grim. It forced the world to reconsider the concept of modern war, army, drones, mobilization of society, resilience of the state.

And another harsh conclusion, which was too long not recognized: the post-war world order began to collapse not in 2022, but in 2014. It was then, on Ukrainian soil, that the basic principles of international law were demonstratively broken, and the policy of “waiting out” and “not provoking” only increased the scale of the catastrophe.

Today, on the fourth anniversary of the full-scale invasion, and simultaneously in the twelfth year of the war against Ukraine, it is important to speak about this directly.

This is not a war “for kilometers.”
This is a war for the right to exist.
For the right to be a country.
For the right to choose your future.
For the right to live without imperial dictate.

We may be far geographically — in Israel, Europe, America, anywhere — but not emotionally.

Our families remain under sirens.
Our friends — in the trenches.
Our cities — under attacks.
Our dead — with us every day, in memory, in photographs, in the habit of being silent longer than before.

We think of those who smile at us from black-and-white photos. Of friends, acquaintances, and strangers who died in this war. Of those whose names will never make headlines. Of those who hold the sky and the earth right now.

And one more thing — about the feeling of helplessness that many experienced on February 24, 2022. For many, it was the day the familiar world ended: the end of childhood memories, the end of the feeling of home as something reliable and eternal, the end of the belief that “such things no longer happen in Europe in the 21st century.”

Four years have passed. The war has become the background for a world that is tired. Many have stopped noticing it daily. But it has not disappeared.

Therefore, today is not only a day of remembrance. It is a day of inner discipline.

What can we do abroad?
Donate. Support. Speak. Explain. Remind. Do not let this war become a “news item that was scrolled past.”

Ukrainians in Ukraine live. Work. Give birth to children. Pay taxes. Donate. Fight. Create. Repel attacks from the “second army in the world.” And continue to do what in 2022 seemed impossible to many.

Resilience to Ukraine.
Strength to our people. 🇮🇱🇺🇦

The Ukrainian language is not only a means of communication but also a sign of the country’s presence in the world. Where it lives and is used, Ukraine is preserved as a cultural and political space. That is why the conversation about language always goes beyond linguistics and becomes a matter of identity and security.

Today, about 45 million people worldwide speak Ukrainian, with more than 37 million calling it their native language. For its melodiousness, lexical, and phraseological richness, the Ukrainian language has repeatedly been recognized as one of the most harmonious in Europe. At international linguistic forums, it consistently ranked among the leaders, second only to a few languages of the Romance group.

The modern vocabulary of the Ukrainian language consists of about 256,000 words, placing it among the most developed language systems.

Researchers also emphasize the antiquity of the Ukrainian language. Scientist V. Kobyliukh argued for its formation as early as the X–IV millennia BC, linking the origin of several words to Sanskrit. By the number of speakers, the Ukrainian language ranks 14th in the world — a figure that speaks for its resilience and viability.

The attitude towards the native language has always been a marker of national consciousness. Metropolitan Ilarion (Ohienko) warned: the loss of respect for the language is equivalent to undermining the foundations of the nation. Educator Konstantin Ushinsky wrote even more harshly — a people can regain what was lost, but a language, once destroyed, cannot be restored. This idea was later developed by modern Ukrainian thinkers, emphasizing that language is a personal and collective asset that cannot be confiscated or stolen.

The history of the Ukrainian language is a history of resistance. After the capture of Ukrainian lands by Moscow, a long process of systematic suppression began. During the imperial and then Soviet rule, about 170 decrees were issued against the Ukrainian language, tens of thousands of words disappeared from dictionaries, and language policy was reduced to forced “convergence” with Russian. This process is increasingly called linguocide — the deliberate destruction of language as the basis of cultural-historical community.

It is important to emphasize: Ukrainian and Russian languages do not have a common root and are among the most distant from each other among the Slavic languages. Ukrainians are an ancient Slavic people, while the formation of the Russian ethnos occurred in a different, mixed historical environment. Despite this, during the Soviet period, the Ukrainian language was pushed into the ritual sphere, even after formally receiving state status in 1989.

After the restoration of independence, the position of the Ukrainian language began to change, but slowly. The Constitution enshrined its state status, but pro-Russian forces continued to promote the idea of “oppression” of the Russian language. Meanwhile, nowhere in the world do national minorities have the volume of rights that Russian speakers in Ukraine had for a long time. The struggle against the law on the functioning of the Ukrainian language as a state language in 2019 became another confirmation of this resistance.

It is indicative that the regions with minimal presence of the Ukrainian language turned out to be the most vulnerable to occupation. In the Luhansk and Donetsk regions, as well as in Crimea, the share of Ukrainian schools was critically low, despite the numerical predominance of Ukrainians. The 2001 census recorded an increase in the use of the Russian language to 81% in these regions, which directly affected their informational and cultural vulnerability.

Today, one of the channels for maintaining Russian influence remains the so-called UOC-MP, which continues to broadcast Moscow’s ideology under the guise of religion. Added to this is the phenomenon of the “Russian-speaking population” — not as an ethnic, but as a political category. Many people became Russian-speaking not through their own fault, but as a result of colonial policy. But the responsibility for refusing to reclaim their native language for themselves and their children during the years of independence remains.

Global experience shows: language protection is the norm. The Czech Republic, Finland, and Israel have gone through a conscious language policy. Under President Tomáš Masaryk, the Czech language returned to the public space of Prague. Finland almost completely switched to Finnish in one generation. In Israel, Hebrew became the state language, despite the fact that at the time of the country’s founding, only a few spoke it — the choice was made for the sake of nation-building.

In France, Germany, Poland, and Slovakia, strict laws protect national languages, including fines and criminal liability. Paradoxically, today the Ukrainian language is being studied more actively in Europe — in Poland and Germany, it is introduced as a second foreign language, with the support of states and the diaspora.

A new threat is not Russification, but Anglicization. Knowledge of foreign languages is necessary, but the substitution of native vocabulary with borrowings without necessity is a path to blurring the linguistic core. Linguist Yuriy Shevelyov warned: excessive borrowings indicate an underestimated self-esteem of one’s own language. This idea was formulated even earlier by Jan Amos Comenius, insisting on the primacy of the native language in education.

The Ukrainian language has withstood the pressure of empires. It survived Russification, Polonization, Germanization, and Magyarization. Today, its future no longer depends on decrees from outside, but on the everyday choice of Ukrainians themselves — to speak at home, at work, at school, on the street, and to pass the language on to children.

As Ivan Franko wrote, language grows with the soul of the people. And as long as this growth continues, Ukraine remains alive — here and now. This is the meaning and reality captured by NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, viewing language as a line of defense for culture and the state.

Investigators from the Israel Antiquities Authority, tracking looters at the Ras-Tamim site near Mount Scopus, discovered a huge underground workshop for the production of stone vessels, which operated more than 2000 years ago during the Second Temple period.

The incident began with the discovery of fresh traces of illegal excavations. During several days of covert surveillance, law enforcement officers caught five suspects red-handed. They seized a generator, a metal detector, and special tools for extracting stone. The detainees face up to five years in prison for the destruction of an archaeological site, but the main news was the contents of the cave they were trying to penetrate.

Inside the cave, archaeologists discovered hundreds of limestone fragments, blanks, and production waste. This indicates the existence of an organized industrial center rather than a small craft workshop. Scientists found blocks processed with chisels and products with traces of a lathe. Such products were of critical importance to the society of that time: according to Jewish laws, stoneware, unlike ceramic, was considered impervious to ritual impurity. This made it indispensable in everyday life, especially during food preparation and temple services.

The location of the workshop is also strategic. It was located on an important pilgrimage route leading to Jerusalem from the east. Traders sold ritual items directly near the road, ensuring high demand from travelers.

Near the workshop, burial caves, large reservoirs, and a ritual bath (mikveh) were previously found, painting a vivid picture of a developed industrial-religious area in the vicinity of the ancient city. Today, the found artifacts are presented at the “Criminal Past” exhibition in Jerusalem, which aims to draw attention to the problem of looting that destroys the historical context of monuments.

This discovery underscores the importance of preserving archaeological sites and their context. Finds like this workshop help to better understand the life and culture of ancient Israel. It is important for society to recognize the value of its historical heritage — Israel News | Nikk.Agency.

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Irena Mamana repatriate from Zhitomir (Ukraine), became a real heroine of northern Israel. She sews bulletproof vests, repairs uniforms and helps soldiers, forgetting about herself, despite the shelling and financial difficulties.

Her story was told Nikita Aronov on the Israeli portal “Details“.

Irena Maman is one of five returnees honored on November 7 for their contribution to the defense of Israel during wartime.. The award was presented by the country’s President Isaac Herzog. Among the recipients are outstanding personalities: a scientist, a surgeon and organizers of volunteer initiatives.

More about this – In honor of Aliyah Day, the President of Israel awarded repatriates: the contribution of immigrants from Ukraine, France, Canada and other countries.

However, Irena stands out for her unusual feat – she is a seamstress who selflessly and tirelessly helps northern soldiers. She works almost without rest, sewing and altering uniforms for fighters completely free of charge. The irony of fate is that instead of supporting it, the state only increases its tax burden.

 

How a Ukrainian seamstress became the heroine of soldiers in northern Israel

From Zhitomir to Rosh Pina: the path of Irena Maman

Irena Maman, a native of Zhitomir, came to Israel in 1990. Her journey began with a few hundred dollars in her pocket and a lack of support, but even then she knew for sure that her place was in this country. In the north of Israel, in Rosh Pina, she quickly found her calling: she began working as a seamstress, opened an atelier and won the trust of local residents.

Her story is a story of strength and perseverance that inspires hundreds of people today. Her family life is connected with Israel: three sons serve in the army, the eldest in the Iron Dome battery, the middle in the special forces. It was his request for a convenient pocket for a bulletproof vest that began Irena’s big volunteer mission.

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First steps: from evening dresses to body armor

Until October 7, Irena sewed evening dresses and handled regular orders. Everything changed when the war demanded her skills. Her son, a machine gunner, complained that the body armor was uncomfortable: the pockets were too small to hold all the necessary ammunition.

“Then they came to me with the whole detachment,” recalls Irena. “Everyone had their own requests: to alter a bag, make additional pockets for grenades, or even develop a convenient holster for a pistol.”

This was the beginning of a large volunteer project. Irena sews and modifies not only body armor, but also bags for pilots, winter uniforms for infantry, and jackets for territorial defense soldiers.

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“Ima Maman” for soldiers

The soldiers call Irena “ima Maman” (Mama Maman). She helps everyone who asks for support, regardless of the complexity of the order or time of day. Despite constant air raids, shelling and lack of shelter, Irena continues to sew.

“When the siren sounds, I don’t stop,” she admits. “There is no shelter nearby, but my mother taught me to believe in fate.”

Irena works almost around the clock, often seven days a week. Her studio in Kiryat Shmona is the only place where soldiers come not only for uniform repairs, but also for a cup of coffee, a kind word and help.

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Combating the IDF’s systemic problems

Irena sees systemic problems in army uniforms. Standard patterns for uniforms and body armor don’t fit most soldiers well, she said.

“I have yet to meet a soldier whose uniform fits perfectly,” she says. “The pants are too tight, the sleeves are not the right length, and sizes are often limited.”

Soldiers deployed to Gaza or Lebanon are often given old uniforms that have to be modified by hand. Irena expands pockets, adds inserts from more comfortable fabrics and repairs damaged equipment.

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Charity at your own expense

Irena does not take money from the soldiers for her work, but maintaining the studio costs her dearly. Her husband, a university lecturer, supports the family, but the costs of materials, electricity and even underwear for the soldiers are entirely covered by them.

“During the war, I spent my savings. Earnings go only to help the soldiers. I don’t even buy new things for myself,” says Irena.

Her requests to the Ministry of Defense for the allocation of funds or the appointment of salaries remained unanswered. However, Irena does not lose heart, because the most important thing for her is to support the soldiers.

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When war is your life’s work

Irena’s life is closely connected with Kiryat Shmona, a city that is under constant shelling. Despite this, she continues to help not only soldiers, but also local residents. Russian-speaking pensioners often turn to her for help: to translate documents, accompany them to the hospital, or even cover broken windows with fabric instead of glass.

“The state can’t cope, social services have dispersed. We help each other as much as we can,” she says.

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Table: Irena Maman’s contribution to helping the army and the city

Type of assistance	Description
Refinement of uniforms	Alters body armor, uniforms, bags
Charity	Buys underwear, socks, warm clothes
Soldier support	Coffee, tea, food, assistance with accommodation
Help for city residents	Window repair, support to clinics

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Conclusion

The story of Irena Maman is an example of how a person can do the incredible, even under difficult conditions. Her efforts were rewarded with a prize from the President of Israel, but for her the main reward remains the grateful smiles of the soldiers.

“NAnews – Israel News” reminds: such stories about mutual assistance and volunteerism show how closely connected the destinies of the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples are. Irena became a symbol of true service, uniting her past in Ukraine and her present in Israel.

Leave a comment in Telegram channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Jabotinsky Day, the national day of remembrance dedicated to the life and legacy of Ze’ev Jabotinsky. On this day, Israel honors Jabotinsky’s achievements and his contribution to the Zionist dream of restoring the Jewish state.

In Israel, the 29th day of the month of Tammuz, the day of his death, has been declared Jabotinsky Day. In 2025, it falls on the evening of Thursday, July 24, 2025 – Friday, July 25, 2025.

Jabotinsky’s advocacy laid the foundation for the modern State of Israel, and his vision continues to shape Jewish identity to this day.

Why This Day Matters for Israel and Ukraine

The 29th of Tammuz is a special day in the Jewish calendar, when speeches are heard across the country, memorial candles are lit, and Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s legacy is discussed. People far from politics might wonder: why even remember this man?

But look closer — and you’ll immediately realize: thanks to people like Jabotinsky, we have Israel as we know it. His ideas about national dignity, self-respect, and respect for others still resonate not only for Jews, but for everyone fighting for the right to be themselves.

Interestingly, this day often becomes a reason for personal memories. The older generation recalls how families used to argue about Jabotinsky’s views, while young people, reading his biography, are surprised: it turns out he supported Ukrainians even in the early 20th century, when it was neither popular nor safe.

Odessa Roots and Political Instinct: The Beginning of the Journey

Born in Odessa, a city where Jewish, Ukrainian, Greek, Russian, and Armenian destinies mixed in a unique way, Jabotinsky learned early to listen to and understand other perspectives. His childhood was filled with the ringing of trams and the cries of street vendors in different languages, in courtyards where boys would sometimes fight, sometimes become friends. Maybe that’s why he became a committed opponent of any kind of national hatred.

When, in 1907, Jabotinsky ran for the Russian Empire’s parliament from the Volyn province, he had to build bridges between Jewish and Ukrainian voter groups from scratch. Back then, this seemed like an impossible task: distrust, stereotypes, pressure from the authorities… Yet even after losing, he was not disappointed — instead, he began to speak publicly that only together can minorities break the imperial machine of oppression.

Friends and contemporaries recalled that after this defeat, Jabotinsky became much closer to Ukrainian intellectuals. He read Ukrainian poetry, was interested in folk songs, even tried to understand dialects. For him, Ukrainians were never “younger brothers” — he saw them as equal partners.

Putin vs. Common Sense: Why Deny Ukraine?

Why does the Kremlin so fear Ukrainian identity? You can search for explanations for a long time, but essentially, it boils down to this: acknowledging the existence of Ukraine makes imperial claims meaningless. Putin’s 2021 article and his ongoing rhetoric are an attempt to impose the “same old song”: Ukrainians supposedly invented by the Bolsheviks, there is no nation, and anyone who disagrees is an enemy.

But as early as 1911, Jabotinsky publicly stated: “Ukrainians are a people, a separate nation, and that’s the only way to view them.” He didn’t just say this at rallies — but in articles for different audiences, in Russian, Yiddish, and Ukrainian.

Jabotinsky understood Ukrainian and could get by in conversation, but he was not a native speaker and did not speak publicly in Ukrainian. He was fluent in Russian, Hebrew, Yiddish, Italian, French, and several other languages. He learned Ukrainian through practical communication and interest in culture, but did not use it as a language for political speeches or articles.

• Contemporaries noted that he “could support a conversation in different Ukrainian dialects,” understood linguistic features, but did not write or publish materials in Ukrainian.
• Most of his texts on Ukrainian topics were written in Russian or Hebrew, sometimes in Yiddish.

Friends recalled that Jabotinsky easily found common ground with Ukrainians — sometimes even using Ukrainian words or phrases in conversation to win over his interlocutor.

This debate with imperial thinking was personal — he could not accept the idea of “dissolving” people in a faceless mass.

Let’s remember, Jabotinsky loved genuine public debates — and was not afraid of tough topics. He argued with intellectuals like Pyotr Struve, passionately insisting that every people has its own path, and no one has the right to turn diversity into a monotonous imperial “porridge.” In life, he could easily argue in the street, in an editorial office, or even at a banquet — if it was about people’s right to be themselves.

Quotes That Cannot Be Forgotten

Jabotinsky was no armchair theorist. His writings are always full of life and directness. Here are a few of his thoughts that still resonate today:

• “Behind these cities (Ukraine) rolls a continuous, almost thirty-million-strong Ukrainian sea…” An ordinary trip from Odessa to Kharkiv or Poltava was not just a route for him, but a real study: where “khokhly” live, where “katsapy,” why they don’t mix, and what is the secret of Ukrainian distinctiveness.
• “Shevchenko… is a vivid symptom of the national and cultural vitality of Ukrainianism…” He studied the poet’s biography, read his poems in the original language, could spend hours explaining to friends why Shevchenko is not just a writer, but a symbol of the nation.
• “Ukrainian parties recognize the right of Jews to national culture…” For Jabotinsky this was a matter of principle. He knew Ukrainian intellectuals, communicated with socialists, debated with radicals — but always noted: a real Ukrainian patriot will not demand that a Jew abandon his language or traditions.
• “I know well this type of Ukrainian nationalist-intellectual…” This is not just a friendly recognition, but also a subtle rebuke to those who try to portray Ukrainians as enemies of Jews — Jabotinsky’s real experience fully refutes such myths.

Political Father of Likud: Why This Line Remains Unbroken

Few people remember that Jabotinsky was not only an ideologist, but also a practical leader of the Zionist movement, leaving a mark not only in Israel, but in the fate of real families. Benzion Netanyahu, the father of the current Prime Minister of Israel, in his youth was the assistant to Jabotinsky’s personal secretary. He absorbed these views and passed them on to his son. At political meetings in Israel, people still recall how Benzion could quote Jabotinsky from memory — in arguments with opponents and even in daily conversations.

Many Likud leaders consider Jabotinsky their teacher, and his ideas the standard of true political courage. Even those who did not always agree with him admitted: this was a man who was not afraid to go against the tide. Hence, the question for the current leadership of Israel: will they have the courage to look at Ukraine through his eyes, and not through the prism of temporary interests or pressure from powerful states?

One can imagine a hypothetical conversation between Jabotinsky and today’s politicians:

— Are you sure that true strength is in denial, not in acknowledging the truth?
— Why not recall old lessons and build alliances with those who follow their own path, not copy someone else’s history?

The memory of Jabotinsky is also an internal challenge for every Israeli.

When Myths Are More Dangerous Than Rockets: Why the Kremlin Fights the Past

How many times in recent years have Ukrainians heard from Kremlin propagandists: “You don’t exist,” “Your history is fiction,” “Your language is artificial”? But if you believe this, it turns out that peoples can be “canceled” by a simple decree, and borders — erased from the map. That’s why Kremlin propaganda is so obsessed with history: don’t recognize Ukraine — and any crime becomes justified.

Jabotinsky understood this mechanism perfectly. He traveled a lot around Ukraine, talked to ordinary people, observed how villages lived where, on one side of the river — Ukrainians, on the other — Russians. No one mixes, no one forgets their customs. It’s such details that give a real understanding of the national question, which cannot be seen from a Moscow office.

No wonder his texts have so many vivid ethnographic descriptions: costumes, wedding traditions, kitchen conversations, even household anecdotes. History, according to Jabotinsky, is not just dates and wars, but, first of all, people, their speech, their habits, and their ability to support each other in difficult times.

What the Memory of Jabotinsky Teaches Us Today

Today, the memory of Jabotinsky is not only a state ceremony but also a conversation in every family that remembers that freedom is never final. In Israel, people often recall how he gathered all sorts of people around him, argued passionately, but always remained open to dialogue. His lesson is simple: “True self-respect begins with respect for others.”

His life is an example of how you can be a Jew, a Ukrainian, a European — and not lose your essence. He dreamed of a state where everyone has a place, where languages are not forbidden but preserved, where history is not a reason for war, but for seeking understanding.

In these days, when people once again discuss who is with whom and against whom, it’s worth recalling that a hundred years ago there was someone who could say what others were afraid to even think. Maybe now his experience is more important than ever.

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Main conclusions for those who want to see beyond the headlines

The memory of Jabotinsky is a challenge for every generation: if you’ve forgotten why rights and freedoms are needed, read his texts, talk to those who still remember his lessons. History is always on the side of those who are not afraid to be honest — with themselves and with others.

On February 23, the TV channel STB begins the Ukrainian TV premiere of the Israeli series “Prisoners of War” (original title — “Hatufim”). This is a story about the return of soldiers after 17 years of captivity and what happens to them and their families afterward.

The project at the time became an international event and formed the basis for the American series “Homeland.” In Ukraine, the screening is seen not only as a television premiere but also as the beginning of a public conversation about the return of military personnel from captivity and their adaptation to civilian life.

The premiere will take place on February 23 at 22:00. The screening — two episodes from Monday to Friday.

What is the series “Prisoners of War” about

The ten-episode Israeli drama tells the story of soldiers who return home after 17 years of Syrian captivity.

The main characters are Nimrod Klein and Uri Zach. Along with them, the remains of their friend and comrade Amiel Ben-Gorin return to Israel. The state greets them as national heroes, families — as people they almost stopped waiting for.

However, the plot focuses not on the moment of liberation, but on the complex reintegration. The heroes face post-traumatic syndrome, distrust, a changed reality, and the need to rebuild relationships with loved ones.

Children grew up without them. Some parents have already died. Society expects heroism but encounters trauma.

In parallel, a line of official investigation develops: a military psychiatrist notices inconsistencies in the stories of the released. An investigation begins to establish what exactly happened during the years of captivity and what remains outside the official versions.

Closed screening in the veteran space and participation of the Israeli side

On the eve of the TV premiere, STB, together with the Embassy of the State of Israel in Ukraine and the Ministry of Regional Cooperation of Israel, held a chamber screening and discussion in the veteran space “Veteran Hub.”

The event was attended by the Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the State of Israel to Ukraine Michael Brodsky, head of the ministry’s office Sonia Ishchenko, director of the STB channel Lyudmila Semchuk, as well as veterans and specialists working with people who have experienced captivity.

The moderator of the discussion was veteran and defender of Mariupol Gleb Strizhko.

The discussion focused on practical issues — psychological support, family expectations, difficulties in adapting to civilian life. The topic of the discrepancy between the public image of a “hero” and the real state of a person returning from captivity was raised.

In this context, the series’ screening goes beyond television. As noted in NAnovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, Israel’s international experience in dealing with the consequences of captivity becomes relevant for the Ukrainian professional community.

Why the topic of returning from captivity remains relevant for Ukraine

Director of the charitable foundation “Human and Law” Boris Zakharov emphasized that among Ukrainians there are people who have been held in captivity for years.

Psychotherapist Maryana Mamonova noted that the real experience of the released often does not match the expectations of their families and society. Return is not the end of the story, but the beginning of a new and complex stage.

The artistic format allows discussing painful topics carefully, without direct pressure. The series offers an opportunity to look at the problem through international experience, without turning it into a political declaration.

For Ukrainian television, this is also an important step: the Israeli drama about prisoners of war is being broadcast on national air for the first time against the backdrop of the ongoing war.

Special programming of STB from February 20 to 24

The screening of “Prisoners of War” is included in a special broadcast block for the Day of Remembrance of the Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred and the anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

During these days, viewers will be offered several military dramas and premiere projects.

“Mama” — February 20, 9:00 (two parts, 8 episodes)

The military drama is dedicated to the mothers of Ukrainian defenders. The plot is based on real events and tells the story of Nina Petrovna, whose son volunteered for the war and ended up in captivity in the temporarily occupied Donbas.

The only chance to find out the truth about his fate is to go in search of herself.

The project received international recognition: the series was presented in the main competition of the “Serial Killer” festival in Brno, shown on central TV channels in Poland, Czech Republic, Lithuania, and Estonia, and also released on the European platform “Arte” with dubbing and subtitles in several languages.

“Yurik” — February 20, 23:00

The story of a boy whose family died during shelling. The mother decides to send her son to Estonia to save him from possible deportation to Russia.

Yurik makes his way to the border through trains, cars, military equipment, and the help of random people. The central theme is maternal sacrifice and the power of love.

Production — “Osnova Film Production” company commissioned by the STB channel with the participation of international partners.

“Little Bird” — premiere February 21, 19:00 (4 episodes)

A melodrama about a woman whose personal life collapses at the same moment the war begins. A forced move becomes an attempt to start over and simultaneously a return to the past.

When to watch “Prisoners of War” on STB

The television premiere of the Israeli drama “Prisoners of War” will take place on February 23 at 22:00.

The screening will run on weekdays — two episodes per evening.

Organizers emphasize: this is only the first step towards a broader public dialogue about returning from captivity and systemic support for released military personnel.

For Israel, the topic of “hatufim” has long been part of the national conversation. For Ukraine, this conversation is just forming — and the television screening becomes part of this process.

TV channel STB

STB is one of the leading national TV channels in Ukraine. It is part of a large Ukrainian media group and specializes in the production of series, documentary projects, talk shows, and social formats.

The channel actively works with themes of war, veteran adaptation, family stories, and social transformations. In recent years, STB has focused on national content and projects based on real events, as well as collaborating with international partners in broadcasting and co-production.