Israel News

International Jewish Book Day is celebrated annually on December 29 (International Jewish Book Day). This holiday symbolizes the rich literature and cultural heritage of the Jewish people, reflecting their influence on world culture.

However, behind the celebration lie deep historical ties that unite Israel, Ukraine and the Jewish community.

One of the brightest pages of this story is ancient example of Jewish literature — “Kiev letter” — unique document of the 10th century, written in Hebrewwhich emphasizes the Jewish presence at that time in the lands of Kievan Rus.

The document is written in Hebrew and contains the first mention of Kyiv in the form Qiyyōb (Heb. קייב).

History of International Jewish Book Day

The origins of this holiday remain unclear. It is believed that it was first celebrated in 1981, when the Jewish National and University Library in Jerusalem (today the National Library of Israel) initiated an event dedicated to the promotion of Jewish literature.

The purpose of the holiday is to recall that the book has always been a central element of Jewish culture, an important tool for the transmission of knowledge, spirituality and values.

Holiday traditions

Today, International Jewish Book Day is accompanied by the following events:

1. Book fairs: We offer works by both classical Jewish authors and contemporary writers whose work is devoted to Jewish themes.
2. Literary evenings: Writers share their work, discuss trending topics, and interact with readers.
3. Lectures and seminars: Participants will learn about the history of Jewish literature, its influence on world culture, and its importance for preserving Jewish identity.
4. Children’s programs: Special attention is given to children to instill a love of reading from a very young age.

The holiday has become a symbol of the unity of Jewish communities and a reminder of the contribution of literature to the development of national identity.

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“Kiev Letter”: the first written mention of Kyiv

The Kyiv leaf is a unique document of the 10th century, written in Hebrew.

The letter was discovered among the collection of Hebrew manuscripts of the Cairo Geniza in the Ben Ezra Synagogue by University of Chicago professor Norman Golb in 1962. Later, Harvard University professor Emelyan Pritsak joined the study of the monument.

The authors reported the results of their research at several scientific conferences and in 1982 the document was published in their joint monograph, with Golb providing the translation and Pritsak the interpretation. In the USSR, the existence of the letter was known, but not advertised. The letter was first published translated from English into Russian in 1997.

Manuscript TS (glass) 12.122. kept in the Cambridge University Library. It is a piece of parchment 22.5 cm long and 14.4 cm wide. The sheet is damaged in two places and has seven vertical folds. The text is written on the front side, the back side is blank. Ink is brown (faded black). The text occupies 30 lines.

According to the discoverers, this letter is the oldest authentic document written on the territory of Kievan Rus and can date back to the 10th century.

It was created by the Jewish community of Kyiv, which was under the influence of the Khazar Khaganate. The letter is the most important evidence about the life of the Jewish community in Ancient Rus’.

Contents of the “Kyiv Letter”

The document is a letter in which the community appeals to Jews in other cities with a request to help raise money for the ransom of Jacob ben Hanukkah, a member of the community who found himself in debt slavery. The letter describes the tragic story of Yakov, who vouched for his brother, who took money from the “infidels.” After the death of his brother, his debt was transferred to the guarantor, which led to Yakov’s imprisonment.

Interesting facts:

• The letter contains 30 lines of text written in brown ink.
• The document mentions Kyiv under the name Qiyyōb (קייב).
• The last word is written in Turkic runes, which is probably the only surviving written evidence of the Khazar language.

The meaning of the “Kyiv letter”

The “Kiev Letter” is not only a valuable historical evidence, but also a unique source for the study of Jewish and Khazar cultures. The document illustrates the legal and social norms of the time, showing how the system of surety and debt slavery worked.

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Jewish literature in Ukraine: general context

Ukraine occupies an important place in the history of Jewish literature. Many prominent Jewish writers, such as Sholem Aleichem, Yitzchok Ben-Zvi and others, drew inspiration from the life of Jewish communities located in Kyiv, Odessa and other cities.

An important stage was the era of the Khazar Kaganate, when Judaism became widespread and Kyiv became an important center of Jewish life. The Kiev Letter serves as evidence of the deep historical roots of Jews in the territory of modern Ukraine.

Why is this important today?

For Israel and Ukraine, literature and history create a powerful cultural bridge. Modern literary projects, translations and publications help to recall common pages of history, such as the “Kiev Letter”, and deepen mutual understanding between peoples.

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Jewish Book: Implications for the Community

The Jewish book has always been more than just text. It acted as a repository of spirituality, culture and knowledge. Today, International Jewish Book Day helps highlight the importance of written heritage, both ancient and modern.

On the website NAnews – Israel News we often talk about events related to Jewish culture and its historical roots. The Kiev Letter, being the oldest written evidence about Kyiv, shows how literature helps preserve the identity and culture of the people.

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Conclusion

International Jewish Book Day is not only a holiday, but also an opportunity to reflect on the importance of literature and its influence on the history of peoples. The Kiev Leaf as part of the Jewish and Ukrainian heritage is a vivid example of how a common history can unite.

Ukraine and Israel are connected by deep historical ties. From the Kyiv Letter to modern Jewish literature, these connections remain strong.

Read more about the unique history of the Jews of Ukraine on the website NAnews – Israel News! Learn how ancient documents and modern books become part of a common culture.

In Ukraine, draft law No. 15358 was registered to penalize driving cars and motorcycles that exceed the permissible noise level. For Israel, this topic also sounds very familiar: even during the war, cars and motorcycles with roaring exhausts continue to race on the country’s roads, and citizens increasingly perceive this not as ‘tuning’ but as additional stress and demonstrative disrespect for people.

The document provides for the introduction of strict sanctions against drivers of cars and motorcycles who intentionally modify exhaust systems.

Draft Law No. 15358: What exactly was submitted to the Verkhovna Rada

On June 26, 2026, draft law No. 15358 was registered in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, proposing to establish liability for operating vehicles that exceed the permissible noise level. Officially, the document is called a draft law on amendments to the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses and other legislative acts, and its essence is to give the state a tool against cars and motorcycles that create excessive noise on the roads.

This is no longer just a matter of comfort. During the war, such sounds often resemble drones. Citizens and children get scared, veterans may experience PTSD triggers, and air defense and police are distracted from real threats. And at night, it is almost impossible for those living near major streets to sleep with the window open.

Full name (Ukr.) – “Draft Law on Amendments to the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses and Other Legislative Acts on Establishing Liability for Operating Vehicles Exceeding the Permissible Noise Level”.

The card of the draft law indicates that the initiators were a group of People’s Deputies of Ukraine, including Yaroslav Zheleznyak, Maksym Khlapuk, Oleh Bondarenko, Oleksandr Bakumov, Ivan Yunakov, Olha Koval, Anastasia Radina, Olena Vintoniak, Hryhoriy Mamka, Maksym Buzhanskyi, and Maryana Bezuhla. As of June 29, 2026, the document had already been sent for committee review, with the main committee being the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Law Enforcement.

Ukrainian media linked this initiative to cars and motorcycles whose loud straight-through exhaust during the war may resemble the sound of Shahed-type drones. According to Yaroslav Zheleznyak, as cited by the publication, such sounds scare civilians, children, can become triggers for veterans, and also distract air defense and police from real threats.

What fines are proposed and how much is it in shekels

The draft law provides for several levels of liability.

In peacetime, the first violation is proposed to be fined 8,500 hryvnias, and a repeat violation — 17,000 hryvnias. Under martial law, the liability becomes stricter: 17,000 hryvnias for the first violation and 34,000 hryvnias for a repeat violation. In addition, for a repeat violation during the war, it is proposed to impose mandatory deprivation of driving rights for a period of 3 to 6 months.

If these amounts are converted into Israeli shekels approximately, it turns out as follows: 8,500 hryvnias — about 560 shekels, 17,000 hryvnias — about 1,120 shekels, 34,000 hryvnias — about 2,240 shekels. The calculation is made approximately at the rate of about 1 hryvnia = 0.066 shekels.

Separately, the draft law proposes to instruct the relevant authorities to establish clear noise standards, including separate rules for nighttime — from 22:00 to 08:00. This is an important detail because the problem of loud exhaust is especially painful at night when the sound spreads more strongly through residential areas, and people, after alarms, shelling, and heavy news, try to get at least some rest.

Why Israel should understand this topic without lengthy explanations

For Israel, the Ukrainian draft law is not an abstract news from another country.

Here, too, they know well what war, nighttime alarms, sirens, drone reports, missile threats, air defense work, waiting for news from relatives in the army, and nervous tension that accumulates over months are. Therefore, the sharp roar of a motorcycle or car with a modified exhaust is perceived not as ordinary road noise, but as a sound that can make a person flinch.

In Tel Aviv, Haifa, Bat Yam, Ashdod, Netanya, Be’er Sheva, Rishon LeZion, and other cities in Israel, there are also drivers who continue to race on the roads with loud exhausts, especially in the evening and at night. Sometimes these are sports cars, sometimes motorcycles, sometimes ordinary cars after ‘improvements’, but for residents, the result is the same: a sharp roar under the windows, fear in children, anger in adults, and the feeling that someone is turning a residential area into a personal racetrack.

During the war, this is much more irritating than in ordinary life.

If a person has just experienced a siren, if a family is trying to put a child to bed after a stressful day, if a reservist has returned home on a short leave, if elderly people and immigrants live in constant tension, then a loud exhaust under the windows is perceived not as ‘love for cars’, but as rudeness. Citizens in Israel are also furious about this because at such a moment the driver demonstrates not style, but complete indifference to the state of those around them.

The Ukrainian logic here is very understandable: if the sound of a vehicle during the war can resemble the sound of a threat, it cannot be considered only as a matter of comfort. It is already a matter of public peace, psychological safety, and respect for people who live in a state of constant mobilization.

A loud exhaust is not freedom if it scares an entire neighborhood

In peacetime, the dispute over a loud exhaust is often reduced to a domestic conflict: someone likes the sound of the engine, someone is bothered by the noise. But during the war, this dispute changes its meaning. A city that lives with sirens and news of rockets is not obliged to endure artificially amplified roars under the windows just because someone wants to attract attention.

Israel should take a close look at the Ukrainian example.

It is not necessary to copy the Ukrainian model one-to-one, but the principle itself seems fair: in wartime, the responsibility for intentionally loud exhaust should be higher, especially at night, in residential areas, near hospitals, schools, hotels with evacuated families, and neighborhoods where elderly people, military families, and people after attacks live.

Practically, this could mean separate nighttime fines, mandatory technical inspection after a violation, a requirement to return the exhaust system to normal condition, enhanced work by police and municipal inspectors, and more understandable rules for drivers. If a car or motorcycle sounds so that people are scared and take it as a threat, it is no longer ‘car culture’, but a violation of public order.

For Israel, this is especially important because the country is not living in an ordinary noisy season, but in a prolonged military reality. There are too many people here who already sleep poorly, flinch at sudden sounds, wait for messages from loved ones, and keep their phones nearby even at night. Adding artificial engine roars to this means not understanding the society you live in.

NAnews —Israel News believes that the Ukrainian draft law No. 15358 is important not only as an internal Ukrainian initiative. It shows a broader principle: war changes attitudes even towards things that previously seemed domestic. Where the sound can resemble a drone, siren, or threat, the state has the right to demand silence, and citizens — to demand respect.

In Ukraine, this issue has already been brought to the level of a draft law. In Israel, it should also be taken seriously because a loud exhaust during the war is not just road noise. It is a test of responsibility, empathy, and the ability to understand that the freedom of one driver ends where the fear of an entire neighborhood begins.

And in Israel?

In Israel, a loud exhaust is formally no longer outside the law: traffic rules require a proper exhaust system, the police can remove a noisy car or motorcycle from the road, and the law on preventing disturbances prohibits strong and unreasonable noise.

In Israel, penalties for loud exhaust are already provided, but they appear significantly softer than the Ukrainian model.

For strong noise from a vehicle, fines ranged from 250 to 500 shekels, and under the promoted increase — up to 500 shekels for the first violation and up to 1,000 shekels for a repeat violation. Separately, for the absence of a muffler or noise prevention device, the fine was supposed to increase to 1,000 shekels, and for a corporate vehicle — up to 2,000 shekels.

But unlike the Ukrainian draft law, the Israeli system does not yet make a separate emphasis on wartime, citizens’ fear, sirens, drones, and the psychological effect of a loud exhaust.

In addition to the fine, the police in Israel can apply a more painful measure — a ban on the operation of the vehicle if the exhaust system is faulty, modified, or creates unreasonable noise. That is, the car or motorcycle can be effectively removed from the road until the violation is corrected.

but …

Promoting a news site in Israel has long gone beyond just a homepage, a Facebook post, or a random link in Telegram. A media outlet that wants to be noticeable should not just have a news feed, but a whole network of trust: public profiles, bookmark pages, external blogs, RSS feeds, brand cards, material collections, and clear entry points for different audiences.

For the project NAnews — Nikk.Agency Israel News, such a network is especially important because the Israeli audience reads news in different languages, searches for information in various ways, and often checks the source before starting to trust it. One reader comes from Google, another from a social network, a third through a profile, a fourth through an external article or update feed.

The first useful layer is public start pages on Protopage.

For example, the page Nikk.Agency — site and business promotion in Israel can work as a showcase for the project, where the user immediately understands that it is not only about news but also about digital presence, marketing, Google Ads, Google Maps, and business promotion in Israel.

A separate page dedicated specifically to the news direction is important: NAnews — Nikk.Agency Israel News. It helps separate the media project from the marketing one and shows the reader that NAnews is an independent news logic, not just an additional section on the agency’s website.

For the Ukrainian direction, a separate entry point through Nikk.ua — Ukrainian direction is useful. The Israeli audience with Ukrainian roots, readers in Ukraine, Ukrainian communities abroad, and people following the Israel-Ukraine connection can access the project not through the Russian or English page, but through the Ukrainian context.

Public libraries and link collections

The second layer is Diigo libraries.

This platform is useful not as a regular social network, but as a public system of bookmarks, collections, and thematic organization of links. For a news site, this is important for a simple reason: news quickly disappears from the feed, and a collection of links creates a long-term map of the project.

The public library NikkAgency on Diigo helps gather important pages, materials, directions, and external mentions in one place. For the reader, this can be a convenient way to see not just one publication, but a broader informational contour around the project.

The NikkAgency profile on Diigo plays a separate role because it strengthens the brand’s presence separately from one specific collection. This is useful for readers, journalists, partners, and search engines, as another verifiable public page appears around the project.

The Outliner format is especially valuable.

Unlike a simple page with links, NAnews Outliner on Diigo allows you to gather a topic into a structure: news of Israel, Ukraine, Jewish communities, international context, security, culture, history, social topics. For media, this is convenient because the reader sees not a chaos of links, but an editorial logic.

Trust profile and external editorial platform

The third layer is Gravatar.

This is not only an avatar for WordPress but also a profile, identity card, and page with linked accounts. For a news site, the NAnews profile on Gravatar becomes an important signal of trust: the reader sees not an empty domain, but a page with a description, languages, linked accounts, and links to main sites.

The fourth layer is an external blog on Tistory. For NAnews, this may not be a duplicate of the main site, but an additional editorial platform: long explanations, thematic collections, texts for an international audience, materials about news in Israel, Ukraine, Jewish communities, and regional security. In this sense, NAnews on Tistory works as another entry point into the project.

Thematic projects and additional channels

The fifth layer is auxiliary thematic projects. They should not mix directly with the news but can enhance the overall network of sites, profiles, and external pages. For example, the Diigo library VelesEner shows how the same approach is applied to business, climate technology, ventilation, and local promotion.

The public page Protopage VelesEnergyTop can be used as an additional showcase for a project related to climate technology, recuperators, air conditioning, ventilation, and local promotion in Ukraine.

The same applies to IsraelStripper: separate profiles, pages, and RSS feeds allow developing a niche project not only through the main site but also through external points of presence. For example, the FeedBurner feed IsraelStripper is useful as a layer for distributing updates through subscriptions, readers, and other content delivery formats.

The additional page Protopage IsraelStripper helps to create a separate navigation point for the project, and the Diigo library IsraelStrip can work as a public collection of links, materials, and external pages related to this direction.

Frequently Asked Questions

Why does a news site in Israel need external pages if there is already a main domain?

The main domain remains the main center of trust, but external pages help create an informational network around it. A reader can encounter the project through a profile, collection, blog, RSS feed, or bookmarks. The more such points are naturally and neatly connected, the easier it is to understand that the project is alive, open, and regularly updated.

Do all links need to be placed in one place?

No. It’s better when each link has its own meaning.

Protopage is suitable for a showcase and navigation, Diigo for a library and collections, Gravatar for trust and identity, Tistory for long explanatory materials, FeedBurner for distributing updates.

Then the links do not look like a random set but turn into a system.

How does this specifically help a news site about Israel?

News about Israel exists in a very dense informational environment. Some readers are looking for urgent events, others want explanations, a third checks the source, a fourth reads in Hebrew, Russian, Ukrainian, or English. External pages help cover different entry routes and show that the project has structure, history, and understandable editorial logic.

What is important not to spoil?

The main mistake is turning such pages into a dump of links. Each platform should have a normal description, a clear name, live text, and a connection with the main topic. For NAnews, this is Israel, Ukraine, Jewish communities, regional security, culture, history, and explanation of events, not mechanical repetition of the same phrases.

Conclusion

A useful collection of links for promoting a news site in Israel is not just a list of addresses. It is a map of the project’s presence on the internet. When Protopage, Diigo, Gravatar, Tistory, FeedBurner, and thematic pages work together, they help the reader quickly understand who is behind the project, where to read the main materials, what directions are being developed, and why this source deserves attention.

For NAnews — Nikk.Agency Israel News, such a system is especially important because the project is at the intersection of Israel, Ukraine, the Jewish world, local agenda, and international context. This means it needs not one link, but a whole network of understandable entries — for people, search engines, news aggregators, and new digital assistants.

American Jewish drone operator Sam Nahins, who volunteered in Ukraine, told the NY Post why he felt safer on the front lines than among antisemitic slogans in New York. The article features his perspective on Ukrainian-American brotherhood and the unique role of Help is on WayUA.

New York Post: An American Jew Found Respect in Ukraine and Faced Hatred in the US

New York Post is one of the largest American newspapers, founded back in 1801. Today, its circulation exceeds 625,000 copies on weekdays and 386,000 on Sundays. Since 1993, the publication has belonged to News Corporation of the famous media mogul Rupert Murdoch.
It was for this newspaper that on July 26, 2025, 32-year-old Jew and US Air Force veteran Sam Nahins shared his experience volunteering in Ukraine and his impressions upon returning to the campus of Columbia University in New York.

From the Front in Ukraine to Protests in New York: A Personal Story

Sam Nahins is a Columbia University graduate student and former US Air Force drone operator. In May 2025, he volunteered on the front lines in Ukraine, working with the humanitarian organization Help is on WayUA. As part of the 25th Ukrainian battalion, Sam spent three weeks under shelling and drone attacks. However, according to him, in Ukraine, he felt much calmer and more confident than in America.

“In Ukraine, I always knew who my enemy was. Here, in New York, it feels like people hate each other,” says Nahins.

Upon returning to New York, he found himself literally trapped — in Butler Library, he was blocked by protesters from the radical group Unity of Fields, known for its anti-Israel and anti-American slogans. On campus, Nahins was insulted and called a “colonizer” and “child-killer” — just for serving America and helping Ukraine.

“My reason for going to Ukraine was simple: I piloted US Air Force drones, flying remotely in the Middle East, fighting ISIS and Al-Qaeda. I served in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. But I had never been in a combat zone.
I was shelled and attacked by drones when I was with the 25th Ukrainian battalion. But I was in safe hands. No one tried to stab me in the back — at least I knew who my enemy was.

It turned out that in Ukraine I felt calmer than in New York.”

Contrast: Attitudes Toward Jews and Americans in Ukraine and the US

In an interview with the New York Post, Sam admits:
— In Ukraine, people wave American flags, respect volunteers, and value the contribution of Israel and Jews.
— Among students in New York, on the contrary, antisemitism has become commonplace, and support for Israel is called a “crime.”

“On the front, even under fire, I felt unity and support. In New York, I no longer feel needed by my hometown,” he notes.

Among other things, Sam recalled: on Veterans Day at the university, they celebrated “Martyrs’ Day” — for him, this was a shock, as a Jew and a patriot.
Statistics: According to surveys, over the past two years, the number of antisemitic incidents on US campuses has nearly doubled. At the same time, 70% of Ukrainians, according to various sociological services, have a positive attitude towards Jews and Americans.

Who Are Help is on WayUA and Why Is This Important

Help is on WayUA is a non-profit organization founded by US veterans to provide rapid humanitarian support to those affected by the war in Ukraine. The fund operates on the principle of maximum transparency: all donations go directly to aid, and bureaucracy and overhead are kept to a minimum.
The team consists of experienced military personnel who personally handle the delivery of humanitarian cargo and organize aid both in Ukraine and for refugees abroad. Special attention is paid to creating support centers for displaced persons and the long-term recovery of families who have lost everything due to the war.

Help is on WayUA actively cooperates with volunteers, administrative staff, and specialists to quickly respond to real needs on the ground. Their mission is to help without delay and unnecessary words, setting an example of honesty and efficiency.

More information is available on the official website.

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NAnews — News of Israel: How Jews and Ukrainians Become Brothers

This story of Sam Nahins is yet another confirmation: the respect and support given to Jews in Ukraine is not uncommon. For the NAnews — News of Israel website, such examples are important: they show that Israel and Ukraine can be true allies in difficult times.
In the midst of war, as Europe and the US face growing xenophobia, Ukraine sets an example of solidarity and true unity, where nationality and religion take a back seat.

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Conclusions for the Jewish and Israeli audience:

• American Jews and Israelis in Ukraine feel support and respect.
• Antisemitism in Western universities is an alarming challenge for all Jewry.
• The experience of the Ukrainian front is an example for Israel and the diaspora of how to value solidarity even in times of crisis.

Read more analytics, stories, and news on NAnews — News of Israel.

Israel has extended an important temporary relief for Ukrainian citizens eligible for repatriation under the Law of Return.

This concerns the exemption from the apostille requirement on Ukrainian documents.

For many people, this sounds like a technical detail, but in practice, the apostille often becomes the barrier that prevents a family from quickly passing verification, submitting documents, or completing status processing in Israel.

On June 25, 2026, the Israeli Population and Immigration Authority published an updated decision on reliefs for Ukrainian citizens eligible for repatriation: the exemption from the apostille has been extended until December 31, 2026.

The official statement specifically notes that this relief applies to Ukrainian citizens.

What is an apostille and why are there so many problems around it

An apostille is an international confirmation that an official document is indeed issued by an authorized body of a specific country.

Simply put, if a person shows a Ukrainian birth, marriage, divorce, name change certificate, or a police clearance certificate in Israel, the Israeli state needs to understand: the document is genuine, the signature is genuine, the seal is genuine, the issuing authority truly exists.

Usually, an apostille is needed for this.

It appeared under the Hague Convention of 1961, which replaced the more complex consular legalization with a single special confirmation. The Hague Conference on Private International Law explains that the purpose of this convention is to eliminate the lengthy and costly legalization procedure and replace it with a single apostille certificate issued by the competent authority of the document’s country of origin.

But the war changed the usual logic.

When a person is in a war zone, has left Ukraine, lost access to archives, cannot quickly obtain a new document, or physically reach the necessary Ukrainian institution, the apostille requirement turns into not just bureaucracy, but an almost insurmountable problem.

That is why Israel has maintained the temporary relief.

Who is affected by Israel’s decision

The decision affects Ukrainian citizens who are potential repatriates, meaning they have the right to repatriation to Israel under the Law of Return.

The Law of Return is one of the fundamental laws of the Israeli immigration system. Official explanations from the Ministry of Aliyah and Integration state that the right to repatriation is granted to Jews, their spouses, children, grandchildren, as well as the spouses of children and grandchildren of Jews.

It is important to explain this in simple terms.

If a person has Jewish roots, they may have the right to repatriation not only if they are Jewish by religious definition. In the Israeli civil system, the right to repatriation is broader: it can extend to the children and grandchildren of Jews, as well as to their family members.

For people from the former USSR, the verification of the right to repatriation is handled by “Nativ.” The official website of “Nativ” states that this structure is a professional body that verifies the right to aliyah for natives of the former USSR under the Law of Return and is authorized to issue visas for aliyah.

In the Ukrainian case, it is usually not just about “submitting a set of papers,” but about confirming the family chain: who was born, who was married to whom, where the surname changed, who is a child or grandchild of a Jew, what documents confirm this.

Therefore, the apostille was important at almost every stage.

What documents may be important for repatriation

Each case has its own history, and the exact list of documents depends on the family.

But most often, when verifying the right to repatriation, the following may be required:

• birth certificates;
• marriage certificates;
• divorce certificates;
• death certificates;
• documents on name or surname change;
• police clearance certificates;
• passports;
• military documents;
• archival certificates;
• documents on education;
• documents confirming Jewish origin.

On the Israeli government portal, in the description of the procedure for verifying the right to repatriation for citizens of the former USSR countries, among the necessary documents, a police clearance certificate for family members over 14 years old, confirmed by an apostille, is specifically mentioned.

And here is the main meaning of the current relief.

If under the usual procedure a person is required to have a document with an apostille, then for Ukrainian citizens eligible for repatriation, Israel temporarily recognizes that due to the war, such a document is not always realistically obtainable in the prescribed manner.

This does not cancel the verification itself.

This does not mean that any copies can be submitted without explanations.

This means that the absence of an apostille on a Ukrainian document should not automatically close the path to repatriation for a person until the relief expires.

Until what date is the relief valid

The key date is December 31, 2026.

It is until this date, according to the published update of the Israeli Population and Immigration Authority, that the exemption from the apostille for Ukrainian citizens eligible for repatriation is valid.

For comparison: previous reliefs have already been extended earlier. In December 2024, an update on reliefs for Ukrainian, Russian, and Belarusian citizens eligible for repatriation was published on the gov.il website, where for Ukrainian citizens, a temporary date for the apostille exemption was separately indicated until June 30, 2025.

Now this line is extended until the end of 2026.

For Ukrainian families, this means that Israel does not consider the war as a short-term problem that can be closed with the usual bureaucratic phrase “submit the document later.” The state effectively recognizes: as long as the war continues, demanding an ideal document package with apostilles from all Ukrainian applicants is unrealistic.

NAnews — Israel News considers it important to explain this not only as a legal news but also as a practical solution for thousands of people trying to arrange their family’s future in wartime conditions.

What this does not mean

It is important not to confuse the relief with a complete cancellation of requirements.

Exemption from the apostille does not mean that Israeli authorities stop verifying documents.

It does not mean that all Ukrainian citizens receive the right to repatriation.

It does not mean that family ties do not need to be proven.

It does not mean that an official document can be replaced with an oral story.

And it does not mean that all problems are automatically solved.

The meaning is different: if a person has the right to repatriation and submits Ukrainian documents but cannot obtain an apostille due to the war, the Israeli system should take this reality into account.

The verification can still be serious.

They may request originals, additional documents, archival confirmations, old Soviet certificates, relatives’ documents, explanations for surname changes, confirmation of the family line.

Particularly careful attention is usually paid to the chain of kinship: applicant — parents — grandmother or grandfather, if the right goes through a Jewish grandfather or grandmother.

That is why it is important for people not to throw away old documents, even if they look “Soviet,” damaged, or outdated. Sometimes an old certificate, archival certificate, or a record of nationality in a relative’s document becomes a key part of the case.

Why this decision is important specifically for Ukraine

Since February 24, 2022, Ukraine has been living in conditions of full-scale war.

Some archives and institutions are located in regions where access is limited. Some people have left the country. Many have left their documents at home, lost them during evacuation, or require restoration through Ukrainian authorities.

Yes, Ukraine is developing digital solutions. In 2026, with EU support, the electronic apostille system was modernized: the Ukrainian Ministry of Justice and the state enterprise “National Information Systems” updated the Electronic Apostille Register, allowing for obtaining an electronic apostille along with paper processing.

But even the development of digital services does not solve all problems.

First, the document itself must be obtained.

Access to the necessary authority is needed.

It is necessary to understand whether a specific foreign institution accepts an electronic apostille.

It must be taken into account that a person may not have the time, money, connections, safe road, or physical ability to deal with this from a war zone or another country.

Therefore, the Israeli relief remains important even against the backdrop of the digitalization of Ukrainian documents.

What to do for those planning repatriation

The main advice is not to perceive the exemption from the apostille as permission to relax.

On the contrary, documents need to be collected as carefully as possible.

If there are originals — keep the originals.

If there are old relatives’ documents — do not throw them away.

If surnames have changed — prepare the entire chain: birth, marriage, divorce, remarriage, name change.

If the right to repatriation goes through a grandmother or grandfather — collect documents that connect generations.

If a document cannot be obtained with an apostille — prepare an explanation of why it is impossible.

If there is an opportunity to obtain a document in Ukraine or through consular/government services — it is better to do so, even if the apostille is temporarily not required.

Not only the formal paper is important, but also the logic of the whole story.

Israeli authorities need to see a continuous documentary chain, not a set of random certificates.

NAnews — Israel News emphasizes: this relief does not replace legal consultation in complex cases. If there were adoptions, remarriages, lost documents, different surname spellings, old Soviet records, criminal records, or disputed status issues in the family, it is better to check the case with a specialist in advance.

Why the date December 31, 2026, is important for families

The date until the end of 2026 gives people time.

This is especially important for those who are currently between several countries: part of the family in Ukraine, part in Israel, part in Europe.

People have the opportunity not to postpone repatriation just because it is impossible to quickly obtain an apostille.

But this is not an eternal norm.

The wording “at the moment until 31.12.26” means that the decision is temporary. It can be extended, changed, or completed depending on the situation in Ukraine and the position of the Israeli Ministry of Interior.

Therefore, those who are already thinking about repatriation should not wait until the last month of 2026.

Bureaucratic processes rarely like haste.

If the verification of the right to repatriation is needed for the family, it is better to start collecting documents in advance.

Main conclusion

Israel has extended the exemption from the apostille for Ukrainian repatriates until December 31, 2026.

This decision does not cancel the Law of Return, does not automatically expand the circle of those eligible for repatriation, and does not turn a Ukrainian passport into a basis for aliyah.

But it removes one of the most painful bureaucratic barriers for those Ukrainian citizens who truly have the right to repatriation but cannot obtain an apostille on Ukrainian documents due to the war.

For some families, this is a matter of speed.

For others, it is a matter of the possibility of undergoing the procedure at all.

And for Israel, it is a test of the ability to see not only stamps and formalities behind the documents but also the real human situation created by the war.

On Sunday, June 28, 2026, the government of Israel unanimously approved Foreign Minister Gideon Saar’s proposal for the official recognition of the Armenian Genocide in the Ottoman Empire during World War I.

For Israel, this decision was not just a historical formulation. It closes a long-standing political gap that has been discussed in the country for many years but was constantly postponed due to relations with Turkey, Azerbaijan, and overall regional diplomacy.

The approved text states that despite extensive and unequivocal historical documentation, the Armenian Genocide remains the subject of an organized campaign of denial and minimization. It particularly highlights the manipulative rewriting of history textbooks, primarily by Turkey.

What Gideon Saar said

After the vote, Saar stated that “it is never too late to do the right thing.” According to him, it is about a tragedy that occurred more than a hundred years ago, the facts of which do not provoke real historical dispute.

The minister emphasized that for the Jewish state, recognizing the Armenian Genocide is a moral and historical duty. This formulation is important for the Israeli audience: a country built after the Holocaust of European Jewry cannot indefinitely sidestep the topic of the mass destruction of another people just because of diplomatic caution.

Why Turkey is at the center of this decision

Saar’s proposal appeared on the government’s agenda at the end of last week. Israeli media immediately linked it to the sharp deterioration in relations between Israel and Turkey, as well as the aggressive anti-Israel rhetoric of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Saar himself rejected the interpretation that this was a “retaliatory action.” He stated that recognizing the Armenian Genocide is not revenge for Turkey’s hostility, rhetoric, and actions against Israel.

But the minister added another, more political phrase: if Turkey promotes false narratives against Israel, it does not grant it immunity from historical truth.

Here, the government’s decision goes beyond memory. It becomes part of the current regional conflict of meanings, where Ankara tries to pressure Israel with the issue of Gaza, and Jerusalem responds not only with diplomacy but also with questions of historical responsibility.

For readers in Israel, it is especially important to understand this in a broader context. NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views such decisions not only as separate news from the cabinet but also as signals showing how Israel’s foreign policy is changing against the backdrop of war, pressure from international institutions, and conflict with Turkey.

Why Israel took so long

In the Knesset, the issue of recognizing the Armenian Genocide has been raised repeatedly over the past 15 years. However, until today’s decision, the state had not moved to official recognition at the government level.

The reasons were political. Israel long avoided the direct formulation of “genocide” to not exacerbate relations with Turkey and also to not create additional problems in conjunction with Azerbaijan, which is an important regional player and opponent of the Armenian position on this issue.

Now the situation has changed. Relations between Israel and Turkey are in one of the most difficult states in recent decades, and the previous caution has lost much of its meaning.

What this means for Israel now

The Armenian Genocide is already officially recognized by 32 UN member states, including the USA, Canada, Russia, and Germany. It is also recognized by the Holy See and the European Parliament. It is estimated that around 1.5 million Armenians were killed in 1915 and the following years, along with the destruction of a significant part of the ancient cultural and historical heritage of the Armenian people.

For Israel, recognizing the Armenian Genocide has a dual meaning.

On one hand, it is a belated but important restoration of historical justice. Especially in light of the fact that back in 2000, 126 Holocaust researchers, including Yehuda Bauer, Israel Charny, and Elie Wiesel, declared the indisputability of the Armenian Genocide.

On the other hand, this decision is made at a time when Israel itself faces accusations of genocide against Palestinians in Gaza. Therefore, Ankara is likely to present the Israeli step as a political maneuver rather than an act of historical honesty.

Will this be a blow to Erdogan

This decision is unlikely to be a significant blow to Turkey. Ankara has been denying the recognition of the 1915 events as genocide for decades and will likely react sharply but predictably.

The main consequence for Israel is different: the state is officially doing for the first time what many Israeli historians, public figures, and politicians have demanded for many years. And now the question is not only about Turkey, Erdogan, or diplomatic calculation.

The question is whether Israel can speak about memory, genocide, and historical truth consistently — even when it is politically inconvenient.

While Israel discusses the threat of Iran, the US tries to maintain a diplomatic channel, and the Gulf countries consider the risks to oil terminals, LNG supplies, and shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, Russia remains a less visible but highly interested participant in this story. In news about the Middle East, Tehran, Washington, Jerusalem, Doha, Riyadh, or Abu Dhabi are more often mentioned, but behind the line of diplomatic statements and military threats, there is another question: who benefits from the region not becoming too calm.

The answer is not limited to Iran.

Ukrainian economist Vitaliy Shapran in a column on June 27, 2026 for “Glavcom” (ukr.) draws attention to this layer of conflict: the Middle East is not only politics, religion, missiles, allies, and opponents, but also one of the energy hearts of the planet. Therefore, every new round of tension around Israel, Iran, the Persian Gulf, and the Strait of Hormuz affects not only the security of the region but also the price of oil, the price of gas, the income of exporters, and Russia’s ability to continue financing the war against Ukraine.

For Israel, this is not an abstract economic theory because the Iranian threat has long been part of the daily security strategy. For Ukraine, this is also not a foreign topic because the Russian military machine depends on money, and the Kremlin receives money, among other things, when global energy markets remain nervous and expensive.

That is why the conversation about peace in the Middle East today cannot be separated from the conversation about Russian oil.

The Middle East is not only war but also the price of energy.

When Israel talks about the Middle East, it is most often about things that have a direct impact on people’s lives: missile threats, Hezbollah, Hamas, Iran’s nuclear program, the security of the northern and southern borders, hostages, IDF operations, cabinet decisions, US pressure, and the position of international organizations. This is natural because Israel lives within this reality, not observing it from the outside.

But this same reality has another level that often remains outside the usual news feed. This is energy.

The Strait of Hormuz remains one of the most important maritime corridors in the world. The International Energy Agency indicates that in 2025, about a quarter of the world’s maritime oil trade passed through it, and the possibilities of bypassing this route are limited: there are practically only working alternative pipelines in Saudi Arabia and the UAE. For Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Qatar, and Bahrain, this route remains critically important for export.

Therefore, any threat in the Persian Gulf area instantly becomes not only military or diplomatic news but also a signal for global markets. If tankers go smoothly, fear decreases. If there are threats to the strait, ports, oil terminals, gas infrastructure, or shipping, the market begins to factor in risk, and risk almost always means a higher price.

It is at this moment that the Middle East becomes part of Russia’s war against Ukraine—not directly, not through the front map, but through the financial system of war.

Why instability benefits Russia

The Russian economy is still heavily dependent on energy exports. Sanctions, price caps, discounts for buyers, logistics restrictions, and the transition to new markets have complicated Moscow’s usual trade model but have not canceled the main thing: oil, petroleum products, gas, and coal continue to bring Russia huge money.

According to the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air, in May 2026, Russia’s revenues from fossil fuel exports rose to 726 million euros per day, despite the fact that export volumes remained roughly at the level of April. This is an important detail: revenue growth can occur not only due to an increase in physical supplies but also due to price conditions, which means any regional instability capable of supporting prices becomes an economic resource for Moscow.

For the Kremlin, this is not an accounting trifle. A full-scale war against Ukraine requires a constant flow of money: missile production, component purchases, military payments, occupation administration maintenance, equipment restoration, drone launches, mobilization expenses, and support for the defense industry. When oil and gas bring more income, the Russian system finds it easier to withstand sanctions pressure and continue the war.

Therefore, peace in the Middle East can be bad news for Russia.

If the region calms down, the Strait of Hormuz operates without threats, Qatar, Kuwait, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and other countries can more confidently plan supplies, and global markets stop living in anticipation of a big war, the energy risk premium decreases. For consumers, this is good; for importing countries, it is a relief; for Ukraine, it is additional pressure on the Russian budget, but for Moscow, it means losing part of the financial oxygen.

Here the main thesis appears: Russia may not control every episode of the Middle Eastern crisis, but it knows how to use instability and is interested in it not disappearing too quickly.

Iran and Russia: two different threats that increasingly work together

For Israel, Iran is a strategic threat associated not only with the nuclear program but also with a network of allies, proxy structures, and armed groups that have been acting against Israeli security for years. In the Israeli perception, Iran is not an abstract player but a source of real threats: from missiles and drones to Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, and pressure on regional routes.

For Ukraine, Iran has also long ceased to be a distant topic. Iranian Shaheds have become one of the symbols of Russia’s war against Ukrainian cities, energy infrastructure, and civilian population. Reuters reported that Shaheds imported by Russia from Iran appeared in Ukrainian skies shortly after the full-scale invasion of 2022, and now Russia produces thousands of such drones monthly at its own factories.

This means that Israel and Ukraine are not facing two completely separate stories. In one case, Iran threatens Israel through regional proxies, missile programs, and attempts to change the balance of power in the Middle East. In another case, Iranian technologies have become part of the Russian war in Ukraine, where drones attack cities, power plants, ports, and residential areas.

The Moscow-Tehran connection has become one of the key factors in the new international reality. Russia receives technologies, weapons, experience in circumventing sanctions, and political support from Iran, while Iran receives military cooperation, international cover, and the feeling that it is not left alone against the West, Israel, and their allies.

For the Israeli audience, this is especially important: the Ukrainian front and the Middle Eastern front can no longer be considered as two unrelated lines on the map. They intersect through weapons, money, energy, sanctions, diplomatic deals, and the interests of authoritarian regimes.

Why peace may be postponed not only because of war

Peace is usually postponed because the parties are not ready for compromise, fear showing weakness, do not trust each other, or use the conflict in domestic politics. In the Middle East, all this is indeed present: historical traumas, religious symbols, the struggle for influence, fear of future threats, street pressure, interests of armies and intelligence services, competition of regional powers.

But today, another factor is added to this—economic benefit for external players.

When the region remains tense, global markets live in anticipation of a new strike, a new route closure, a new attack on infrastructure, or a new conflict between Israel and Iran. This fear can support oil and gas prices even when physical supplies continue. And if prices remain high, the Russian budget gets more opportunities to withstand sanctions and continue the war against Ukraine.

That is why the Kremlin benefits not necessarily from a big war, which can get out of control and hit Russia’s allies, but from managed instability: a sufficiently high level of anxiety for markets to be nervous, but not necessarily such a level of chaos that completely destroys trade and creates unpredictable consequences.

This is a subtle but important difference.

Russia does not need to be the director of every crisis to profit from its consequences. It is enough for it to maintain ties with Iran, strengthen anti-Western rhetoric, play on contradictions between countries in the region, use energy as a political tool, and present itself not as an aggressor but as a “necessary mediator” in a world it helps destabilize.

What this means for Israel

Israel is often forced to think in short cycles because the country’s security requires daily decisions. Alarm, strike, response, cabinet meeting, White House statement, conversation with allies, new threat from the north, new attack from the south—all this creates the feeling that the main thing is happening here and now.

But the big picture shows that the threat of Iran is not separated from Russia’s war against Ukraine, and Russia’s war against Ukraine is not separated from Iranian drones, sanctions, energy revenues, and the global struggle for influence. If Moscow and Tehran increasingly help each other, then Israel cannot view Russia as a neutral observer who simply “has relations with everyone.”

Russia is a participant in a big game where chaos can be a resource.

For Israel, this means the need to look more closely at any attempts by Moscow to act as a mediator or balancing force. When a state profits from expensive oil, cooperates with Iran, and wages war against Ukraine, its interest in “peace” in the Middle East cannot be perceived as automatically bona fide.

NAnews — Israel News considers this topic in exactly this context: Israel’s security today cannot be separated from the war in Ukraine because the same alliances, technologies, and financial flows work against democratic countries on several fronts at once.

What this means for Ukraine

For Ukraine, the Middle East is not a distant map and not a foreign regional drama. It is part of the same war for resources, the attention of allies, sanctions pressure, and the political will of the West.

When the world is distracted by a new crisis, it is harder for Ukraine to maintain the focus of international support. When energy prices rise, Russia gets more money. When Iran feels stronger, its cooperation with Moscow becomes more dangerous. When the Gulf countries and Israel live in a state of constant anxiety, the Kremlin gets additional space for diplomatic maneuvering and informational speculations.

In this sense, every conversation about peace in the Middle East has a Ukrainian dimension. If the region stabilizes, energy markets have less reason to panic, and the Russian budget loses part of the price support. If the conflict drags on, Moscow gets the opportunity to hold on longer to export revenues and simultaneously distract attention from its own crimes in Ukraine.

Therefore, Ukraine is interested not only in victory on the front but also in the world better understanding the economy of the Russian war. Missiles are not launched from thin air. Drones are not produced from statements. Armies are not maintained by propaganda but by money. And if part of this money comes from global fear of a new Middle Eastern war, then the Middle East becomes part of the Ukrainian agenda directly.

Why this is important for the Jewish and Israeli audience

For the Jewish and Israeli audience, this topic is painful also because Israel is used to living in a world where security often requires pragmatic relations with different countries. But pragmatism should not turn into illusion. When it comes to Russia, it is important to see not only its statements but also its real interests.

If Moscow benefits from high oil prices, if it cooperates with Iran, if it uses the war against Ukraine as a tool to pressure the West, then its interest in a stable Middle East looks at least questionable. It can talk about diplomacy but simultaneously benefit from diplomacy not working too quickly.

It is important for Israel to understand: Iran is not only an Iranian problem but part of a broader system of alliances and conflicts. Ukraine also faces not only Russia but a network of regimes that help Moscow bypass pressure, obtain technologies, produce weapons, and prolong the war.

It is here that the interests of Israel and Ukraine intersect not at the level of beautiful words but at the level of security.

Main conclusion

Peace in the Middle East is again postponed not only because the parties are not ready for compromise or because Iran continues to play on raising the stakes. It is also postponed because there are external players who benefit from the region remaining in a state of controlled anxiety.

For Iran, it is a matter of influence.

For Russia, it is a matter of money, sanctions survival, and continuation of the war against Ukraine.

For Israel, it is a matter of security.

For Ukraine, it is a matter of life and death.

When the Middle East is on fire, Russia can earn not only politically but also economically. When the region calms down, the Kremlin loses part of the pressure on the world and part of the financial space for war. Therefore, the conversation about peace between Israel, Iran, the US, and the Gulf countries today cannot be separated from the conversation about Russian oil, Iranian drones, the war in Ukraine, and the system of instability that Moscow uses as a weapon.

NAnews — Israel News will continue to monitor how the Middle Eastern crisis affects not only Israel’s security but also Russia’s war against Ukraine, energy markets, and relations between countries that understand: peace in one region increasingly depends on who profits from war in another.

In the center of Tel Aviv, an evening is being prepared that will become not just a restaurant event for many guests, but a meeting with the atmosphere of a Ukrainian home, music, and celebration.

On July 3, 2026, the restaurant SHO? — Ukrainian Traditional Food celebrates 3 years of operation.

The celebration will take place at Karlibach 3, Tel Aviv.

Doors open at 19:00.

The evening program includes Diadele and Friends, DJ Samso, live music, a disco, and a festive atmosphere of Ukrainian cuisine in Israel.

Three years of taste, meetings, and Ukrainian atmosphere in Tel Aviv

For the SHO? restaurant, these three years have become more than just a period of operation.

These were years of meetings, conversations at the table, first dates, large gatherings, family dinners, warm evenings, and moments that you want to remember with a smile.

In their festive address, the restaurant team writes that these three years are primarily about the guests.

About the people who came, returned, brought friends, celebrated important dates, and gradually became part of the history of this place.

SHO? has grown as a space where Ukrainian cuisine in Tel Aviv has become not only about dishes but also about the feeling of closeness, familiar taste, and lively communication.

What will happen on July 3

The festive evening will begin on July 3 at 19:00.

Guests can expect:

Diadele and Friends — the musical part of the evening and festive performance.

DJ Samso — disco and mood after live music.

Ukrainian cuisine — the atmosphere of the SHO? restaurant, the dishes that people return for, and an evening at a large common table.

Celebration of the 3rd anniversary — meeting guests, friends of the restaurant, and everyone who wants to spend the evening in a Ukrainian atmosphere in the center of Tel Aviv.

The poster for the evening is marked as “святкуємо 3 роки разом” — “celebrating 3 years together”.

And this well conveys the idea of the event: not a formal date, but a celebration of people who over the years have become part of one big story.

A Ukrainian place in Israel to return to

In Israel, Ukrainian restaurants and cultural spaces have long become something more than just points on the gastronomic map.

For some, it is an opportunity to try familiar dishes.

For others, it is to maintain a connection with the language, music, memories, and people.

For others, it is to discover Ukrainian cuisine through the lively atmosphere of Tel Aviv.

SHO? has become exactly such a place in three years: a restaurant where people come not only to eat but also to meet, talk, celebrate, hear music, and feel among their own.

The restaurant team thanks the guests for these years and emphasizes: the best is yet to come.

Information for guests

Event: 3rd anniversary of SHO? — Ukrainian Traditional Food

Date: July 3

Time: doors open at 19:00

Place: SHO? — Ukrainian Traditional Food

Address: Karlibach 3, Tel Aviv, Israel

Program: Diadele and Friends, DJ Samso, live music, disco

Reservations and details – https://www.facebook.com/shotelaviv

 

The festive evening at SHO? is an opportunity to celebrate 3 years of Ukrainian taste, music, and meetings in Tel Aviv.

NANews — News of Israel follows events that unite people, culture, and the life of the Ukrainian community in Israel.

A new formula is emerging in US-Israel relations, which until recently seemed almost impossible for the right-wing Israeli camp: even under Donald Trump, Israel is no longer guaranteed to remain an ‘exception’ in American foreign policy.

This is the conclusion drawn from a Politico article published on June 27, 2026, under the headline “Israel’s Vance problem is bigger than JD Vance.” The authors of the article — Felicia Schwartz, Alex Gangitano, and Dasha Burns — cite numerous sources, including American and Israeli officials, as well as people familiar with the relations between the two governments. The key point of the article: Israel’s problem is not only with US Vice President JD Vance, but with a deeper change in Washington’s logic.

According to Politico, Israel expected that the America First doctrine in Trump’s second presidential term would have a special exception for Israel. But now, as sources say, Washington is increasingly operating on a different principle: if Israel’s interests and the interests of the US administration diverge, the American side is not obliged to automatically choose the Israeli line.

For Israel, this is a painful signal. In Jerusalem, it was customary to believe that under Trump, relations with the US would be not just close, but almost unconditional. However, recent weeks have shown: support may remain, but its political cost and conditions are changing.

What exactly did Politico write

According to Politico, there is a growing understanding in Israeli political circles that Israel’s status as a US ally is no longer placed above other foreign policy tasks of Washington. One Israeli political adviser explained it this way: Israel expected that it could remain an exception to everything America does in foreign policy for four years, but such logic could not continue indefinitely.

The meaning of this phrase is more important than the quote itself. It’s not about breaking the alliance or the US ‘abandoning’ Israel. It’s about something else: Israel can no longer be sure that any clash of interests will be resolved in its favor.

That is why the Politico article sounds alarming for Benjamin Netanyahu’s government. If earlier many in Israel hoped that Trump would provide full support before future political developments, now, according to sources, such automatism is not yet present. One interlocutor familiar with the relations between the two governments said directly: Netanyahu expected full support from Trump before the elections, but so far this has not happened.

For the Israeli audience, this is an especially important moment. НАновости — Новости Израиля has repeatedly noted that Israel-US relations cannot be assessed only by public statements of friendship. Sometimes real politics is seen not in compliments, but in where Washington begins to set boundaries.

Why Vance became a symbol of the new approach

The figure of JD Vance found itself at the center of the crisis after his statement on June 18, 2026. At a White House briefing, he sharply warned Israeli critics of the US-Iran agreement. According to Axios, Vance said that Donald Trump is the only head of state in the world who currently treats Israel with sympathy, and that the Israeli cabinet should not attack the only strong ally Israel still has.

Le Monde also separately analyzed this speech and called it a stern warning to Israel. The French publication emphasized that Vance’s words came against the backdrop of criticism from Israeli right-wing politicians towards the American line on Iran.

At first glance, this could be seen as Vance’s personal harshness. But Politico offers another angle: Vance is not a deviation from the course, but its manifestation. He says out loud what part of the Trump administration already considers political reality.

According to information close to the vice president’s team, Vance’s rhetoric reflects a change in public sentiment in the US, including among young Republicans. This is fundamental: if earlier the pro-Israel position within the Republican Party was considered almost mandatory, now among part of the right-wing electorate the question is increasingly being asked — why should the interests of another country determine American policy?

It is here that the slogan America First begins to work not only against Ukraine, Europe, or international organizations, but also against traditional expectations of Israel.

The Iran deal as a point of contention

The main background of the current crisis is the American line on Iran. On June 17, 2026, the US and Iran reached a preliminary agreement, around which tension immediately arose between Washington and Jerusalem. Reuters writes that the Trump administration tried to defend this agreement, while in Israel it caused alarm and criticism.

For Netanyahu, Iran is not an ordinary diplomatic topic. His political biography has been built for decades around warnings about the nuclear threat, pressure on Washington, and attempts to persuade American presidents to act tougher. Therefore, any US deal with Iran is perceived in Israel not only as a foreign policy step but also as a test of Netanyahu’s influence on the American system.

Reuters on June 24, 2026, wrote that the new US-Iran deal could become a political blow to Netanyahu. According to analysts and diplomats, he risks being not the architect of the American line, but its hostage: Washington is playing its own game, and Israel is forced to react.

Against this background, Vance’s statements take on an even harsher meaning. He is not just asking Israeli ministers to be more careful with their words. He is effectively saying: if Israel interferes with the American deal, Washington may reconsider the level of support.

This does not mean an immediate cessation of military aid. But it does mean the emergence of a new lever of pressure.

Why this is important for Israel

For Israel, the alliance with the US is not a diplomatic luxury, but part of the national security system. American military aid, political protection in international institutions, arms supplies, diplomatic cover, and influence on regional players have been critically important elements of Israeli strategy for decades.

But the new American logic sounds different: support for Israel remains as long as it does not interfere with major US interests.

In this sense, Politico captures not just a conflict between Vance and Israeli ministers. The publication describes a deeper shift: Israel is facing the fact that its alliance with the US is becoming less emotional, less ideological, and more transactional.

That is, Washington can say: we support you, but not at any cost. We are your ally, but not your automatic tool. We take into account Israel’s security, but we are not obliged to subordinate all American policy in the Middle East to it.

For Netanyahu’s government, this is especially dangerous because its internal legitimacy largely rests on the image of a leader who knows how to talk to American power better than anyone else. If this image weakens, the problem becomes not only diplomatic but also political.

Within the Republican Party, attitudes towards Israel are changing

One of the most important elements of this story is the change in the American right-wing audience. Support for Israel in the US has been strong for decades among both Democrats and Republicans, although its forms differed. But in recent years, both parties have been experiencing internal splits.

Among Democrats, criticism of Israel has intensified on the left flank. Among Republicans, the influence of a camp that does not want new wars, new commitments, and new foreign policy expenses is growing. For this group, Israel remains an ally, but not necessarily an ally for whom the US should take any risk.

Reuters on June 26, 2026, separately wrote about the difference in tones between Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio. Vance spoke more harshly about how Israel’s actions could undermine US peace efforts, while Rubio emphasized Israel’s right to self-defense more strongly. The White House officially denied any split and claimed that the entire administration was acting within Trump’s line.

For Israel, this means that even within the Trump administration, there is no single simple intonation. There is support for Israel, but there is also irritation. There is a traditional Republican pro-Israel reflex, but there is also a new policy of restraint.

Netanyahu found himself in a difficult trap

Netanyahu needs Trump. But Trump does not necessarily need Netanyahu to the same extent.

This is the new asymmetry. The Israeli prime minister is interested in demonstrating full support from the White House, especially if political turbulence lies ahead within Israel. Trump, on the other hand, is interested in presenting himself as a president who ends wars, makes deals, and forces allies to take American conditions into account.

If Netanyahu criticizes the Iran deal too sharply, he risks irritating the White House. If he remains silent, he risks receiving criticism from the right within Israel. If he continues military actions that Washington considers harmful to its diplomacy, he may face even more open pressure.

That is why the phrase from the Politico source that ‘the worst is yet to come’ sounds not like emotional dramatization, but like a political forecast.

What this means for the Israeli audience

For readers in Israel, this story is important not only as another episode in the Trump-Netanyahu relationship. It shows that Israel is entering a period where familiar guarantees are becoming less obvious.

The US remains Israel’s main ally. This has not changed in one week and has not disappeared after one statement by Vance. But the quality of this connection is changing. Support will increasingly depend on how much Israel’s actions align with the American plan for the region.

If the US wants a deal with Iran, it will be harder for Israel to torpedo it.
If the US wants stabilization in Lebanon, it will be harder for Israel to explain continued strikes solely with internal security logic.
If Trump wants to show American voters that he is not dragging the country into new wars, Israeli expectations may become a political burden for him.

НАновости — Новости Израиля believes that the main question now is: can Israel maintain a strategic alliance with the US if Washington stops perceiving Israeli interests as an automatic extension of American ones?

The answer is not yet clear.

But it is already evident that the era of simple formulas is ending. The phrase ‘Trump will support Israel’ no longer explains the whole picture. It needs to be added: he will support — if it does not contradict his deal, his electorate, his understanding of America First, and his desire to show that he is in control of the situation.

Conclusion

The Politico article is important not because it reports a personal conflict between Vance and Israel. Its significance is deeper: it captures the moment when in American politics, Israel ceases to be an unconditional exception.

For Netanyahu, this is a diplomatic risk.
For the Israeli right-wing camp, it is an ideological blow.
For Washington, it is an attempt to regain control over the Middle East agenda.
For Israel, it is a reminder that even the closest ally can at some point say: first US interests, then everything else.

This is the new reality described by Politico: Israel’s problem with Vance is not just a problem with Vance. It is a problem with America, which increasingly demands that allies adapt to it, not the other way around.

The world has approached a dangerous line where talk of nuclear catastrophe no longer seems like an abstract scenario from the last century. Renowned Italian theoretical physicist Carlo Rovelli in his book “85 Seconds to Midnight” warns: the current level of nuclear threat may be the highest in human history.

Rovelli is known not only for his work in the field of loop quantum gravity but also for his ability to speak about science in simple terms. This time, his topic goes far beyond physics. He talks about politics, fear, distrust between states, and how quickly the world can lose control over the logic of deterrence.

According to The Guardian, Rovelli’s key point is that modern leaders lack the caution and strategic foresight demonstrated by politicians during the Cold War. Back then, the world was also on the brink, but there was an understanding between superpowers: a nuclear war cannot have a winner.

Today, according to the scientist, this understanding has weakened.

Why Rovelli criticizes the new arms race

Carlo Rovelli opposes the buildup of arms in Europe and believes that the main risk arises not only from the strength of armies but from mutual fear. When states stop trusting each other, every new armament is explained as defense, but to the other side, it looks like preparation for an attack.

The physicist is particularly critical of talks about a possible large-scale invasion of Russia deep into Europe. In his opinion, such fears are exaggerated. Rovelli reminds that Russia could not quickly achieve its goals even in Ukraine, and NATO’s combined military expenditures significantly exceed Russia’s.

At the same time, his position does not negate the fact of Russian aggression against Ukraine. The point is different: the scientist tries to show that panic and the logic of constant strengthening can lead to an even more dangerous spiral.

The danger is not only in war but in nuclear arsenals

The main source of concern is the huge stockpiles of nuclear weapons. Russia has thousands of nuclear warheads, and the US also maintains a large arsenal and the right to retaliate. Of the three largest nuclear powers, only China officially adheres to the principle of no first use of nuclear weapons.

Rovelli believes that the situation became especially unstable after Western weapons began to be used on targets in Russia. He is concerned about the very possibility that Moscow might interpret strikes with British missiles as direct strikes by the UK.

In the old logic of nuclear deterrence, there was an unspoken rule: if a state possesses nuclear weapons, its territory is not bombed directly. Now, according to Rovelli, this boundary is blurring.

For Israel, such a conversation is not something distant. Regional security, the Iranian nuclear program, wars in the Middle East, strikes on infrastructure, and the constant threat of escalation make the topic of nuclear deterrence part of the real political agenda. That is why НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency considers such warnings not as an abstract European discussion but as a signal for the Israeli audience: global instability quickly reflects on the Middle East.

What Europe, the Middle East, and the logic of fear have in common

Rovelli writes that militarization is often fueled not by strength but by a sense of vulnerability. When society is convinced that “if we don’t destroy them, they will destroy us,” the space for diplomacy narrows sharply.

He draws historical parallels with the aggression of the Third Reich and modern conflicts in the Middle East, emphasizing: violence often amplifies fear, and fear then justifies new violence. In such logic, each side considers itself defensive, even when it takes steps that bring catastrophe closer.

For the Israeli reader, this is a particularly recognizable formula. Israel lives in an environment where security is not a theory but a daily necessity. But that is why it is important to distinguish real defense, political hysteria, and decisions that can make the region and the world less safe.

“85 Seconds to Midnight”: why it sounds like a warning

The title of Rovelli’s book is related to the decision of the “Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists”: in 2026, the Doomsday Clock was set at 85 seconds to midnight. This is the most alarming indicator in history.

The physicist places responsibility not on one country but on the entire circle of modern leaders — from the leadership of the US and NATO to Russia, Iran, and Israel. In his opinion, the world lacks politicians who are ready to think not only in terms of national strengthening but also in terms of the survival of humanity.

Rovelli reminds that it was scientists who once created nuclear weapons. But he also emphasizes: the voice of the scientific community helped Cold War politicians find a way out of dangerous confrontation. One such example was the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, associated with the era of Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev.

New threat: nuclear weapons in space

Amid these warnings, the topic of possible deployment of nuclear weapons in orbit sounds separately. The commander of the Bundeswehr Space Command, Major General Michael Traut, stated that Russia might be developing technologies to deploy nuclear weapons in space.

According to Politico, a nuclear explosion in orbit would not look like a familiar strike on a city or military base but could disable a significant portion of satellites in low Earth orbit. The consequences of such a scenario would be global: communication, navigation, military coordination, financial systems, and civilian infrastructure depend on satellites much more than it seems to the average person.

A separate risk is the Kessler effect. This is a chain reaction of space debris formation, where collisions of debris create new debris, and some orbital zones may become unusable for decades.

That is why Germany is already strengthening space defense, developing jamming systems, laser technologies, and its own protected satellite communication network for the Bundeswehr.

Rovelli’s final question sounds not like a scientific formula but as a political challenge: which leader today is ready to say that instead of endlessly strengthening their country, they want to make humanity safer?

For a world where Ukraine continues to live under strikes, Israel faces threats on multiple fronts, and Iran remains part of the nuclear agenda, this question can no longer be considered philosophical. It has become practical.