“We are confident that people who come to such events do not support Russian aggression. We try to cut off those who support the Putin regime.”
“If a Russian-language event is organized, then all proceeds from it go to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU).”
“We don’t allow racist crap, and we try to make sure that people who support Russian politics don’t get here.”
On YouTube channel UDM Israel – Ukrainian Health Banks in Israel an issue dedicated to a unique place in Israel — a creative Ukrainian space — was released nothingwhich became a center of attraction for Ukrainian and pro-Ukrainian projects. The channel’s host, Ulyana Dryuchkovainvites viewers into this atmospheric space located in the old city of Jaffa, Tel Aviv.
An interview recorded as part of the issue with Yurkom Muravyov helps to better understand the philosophy of the place
The place itself did not emerge as a carefully planned project, but as a spontaneous opportunity. After several successful exhibitions in Jaffa, the organizers received an offer to rent a space. The initial idea was simple – to do nothing, but the process of creating this place itself became an experiment that turned into a full-fledged laboratory of emotions. The goal was to create a space where one could move away from rational concepts and focus on creativity and emotional experiences.
This approach is reflected in the very concept of the place. Here you can see exhibitions, stand-up shows, creative master classes, yoga and even cooking lessons on making vareniki. The peculiarity of the project was the creation of a platform for events that evoke an emotional response and allow participants to express themselves through creativity. As the organizers note, it is this emotional component that attracts people – everyone who comes here is immersed in an atmosphere of creativity and openness.
In addition to various events related to culture and creativity, the space actively supports the Ukrainian diaspora and pro-Ukrainian initiatives. This became especially relevant against the backdrop of the war, when the center became a kind of hub for Ukrainian activities in Israel. The program includes events related to Ukraine almost every week. For example, evenings of Ukrainian animation are organized, which show contemporary works of independent Ukrainian animators. These projects do not have state support, but have a high artistic level, which makes them especially valuable for viewers.
Special attention is paid to the language club, which gathers the Ukrainian community for communication and learning the Ukrainian language. As the organizers note, each time something new happens at the meetings – sometimes it is a discussion of culture, sometimes games, but it is always support for Ukrainian self-awareness and the dissemination of Ukrainian culture both in Israel and in the world. This is a kind of “Ukrainian underground” that unites people interested in preserving Ukrainian identity.
It is also interesting that the center holds events in different languages — Hebrew, English, Russian — but at the same time draws a clear line with those who support Russian aggression. For example, if a Russian-language event is organized, all proceeds go to support the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU). This principle has become an important part of the center’s philosophy: “We are confident that people who come to such events do not support Russian aggression. We try to cut off those who go to Russia or support the Putin regime.” This allows us to create a safe space where communication and creativity do not contradict moral principles.
One of the key events of the month was the performance of a Ukrainian stand-up comedian. The stand-up comedians not only share their humor, but also raise pressing social issues, which makes such performances not only entertaining, but also meaningful. A musical program with Ukrainian dances was also organized, including bachata in Ukrainian. The dances take place right on the wooden terrace in the open air, which creates an incredibly atmospheric and festive mood.
An interview with Yurko Muravyov, recorded as part of the issue, helps to better understand the philosophy of the place. Muravyov said that the project grew out of a simple idea to create something unusual and emotional, and today this space has become home to many Ukrainian initiatives. He emphasized that the Ukrainian diaspora turned out to be incredibly responsive and supported the idea of creating such a center. Not only cultural events are held here, but donations are also collected to help the Ukrainian military, which emphasizes the importance of not only creativity, but also social responsibility.
Authors of videos from the channel UDM Israel – Ukrainian Health Banks in Israel note that this place has become a true symbol of Ukrainian creativity and resilience in Israel. They also reminded about the opportunity to support the project both financially and through active participation: likes, comments and distribution of the video help promote the idea on the Internet.
The first chief architect of Tel Aviv – a city destined to become one of the most influential capitals in the world, was a native of Uman, Yehuda Magidovich, the son of Uman women’s hat designer Binyamin Zvi and Uman housewife named Rachel. When one of the founders of the State of Israel and its first prime minister David Ben-Gurion in 1925 organized a ceremonial reception for the most respected guest, Baron Rothschild – he did it in the Great Synagogue of Tel Aviv, built by a man from Uman…
In the section “Jews from Ukraine” – Yehuda Magidovich (January 21, 1886, Uman, Ukraine — January 5, 1961, Tel Aviv, Israel).
From Uman to the White City: The Story of Yehuda Magidovich
In the mid-19th century, the family of hatter Binyamin-Zvi Magidovich lived in Uman. His workshop smelled of steam, pressed felt and fresh ribbons — it was there, in 1886, that a boy named Leib was born, who later all of Tel Aviv knew as Yehuda Magidovich.
His mother, Rachel Sadovaya, was the keeper of the home, and his father was a master who made hats for both officials and young dandies. Studying in a cheder in a small town was the natural beginning for a Jewish boy of that time. But Leib, in addition to prayers and the Pentateuch, was drawn to drawings and unusual shapes. Years later, this passion would lead him in 1903 to Odessa.
Odessa years: brush, pencil and architecture
At the beginning of the 20th century, Odessa was a city where art and commerce mixed in the noisy port. Magidovich studied fine arts in Odessa, then in Kyiv, and then returned to Odessa to study architecture — essentially combining aesthetics with engineering calculation. By 1910 he already had a diploma and his first commissions. Yes, Yehuda Magidovich studied in Odessa, including at an art educational institution.
Most likely (there are no reliable sources of information about exactly where he studied), it was the Odessa Art School with an architectural department, where he received artistic training, and then probably continued his studies at the “Odessa Academy of Arts”, graduating around 1910. This is confirmed by both English- and Hebrew-language sources. In Odessa, he did not just draw facades. Magidovich designed houses that carried echoes of Italian villas and French resort mansions — adapted, of course, to the Odessa climate and local habits. In 1911 he married Atil, née Vogel, and the couple had two sons: Rafael Megiddo and Avshalom Megidovich.
But life in the city was restless. Pogroms, revolutionary rallies and street shootouts forced Jewish communities to self-organize. Magidovich did not stand aside — he took part in Jewish self-defense, and some sources even call him the district commander of one of these units.
1919: Odessa says goodbye
The Civil War was tearing the empire to pieces. In Odessa, families with bundles crowded near the port docks, waiting for permission to leave. Magidovich obtained a forged ID to leave the city, and in the autumn of 1919 he was among the passengers of the steamship “Ruslan”.
With a forged Odessa ID – to the shores of Palestine…
In the autumn of 1919, from Odessa to Palestine, on a journey that made him legendary, the ship “Ruslan” set sail with six hundred Jews on board. Modern Israelis call the “Ruslan” nothing less than “the Mayflower of Zionism, which opened the period of the Third Aliyah”. (The “Mayflower” was the ship that brought the first settlers from England to the shores of the USA). The name “Ruslan” became equally symbolic for Jews — although it was not the first since the beginning of the return of Jews to the Promised Land, its six hundred passengers were the elite of the future state, which was rising from the ashes…
Across the territory of the former Russian Empire, war was raging when in Odessa in all the port houses and even right on the bundles of belongings in the middle of the square, Jewish refugees had gathered. 170 of them were refugees from Safed and Tiberias – subjects of Great Britain, who wanted to return to their native Palestine. The British consul appealed to the Soviet Odessa authorities – and they gave permission to leave. But Odessa would not be Odessa if to those 170 foreigners they did not add another half thousand Jews from Ukraine, Poland and Russia.
They hastily studied the geography of Palestine so as not to “slip up” during the conversation in the Odessa Cheka, and as for the necessary languages — Hebrew and English — each of them already spoke them without extra training. In addition, Odessa professionals made each one a repatriate certificate (“teudat oleh”) with the stamp “Committee of Refugees from Eretz Israel for their return home”.
In the end, “Ruslan” was given the green light — on the journey to distant Palestine, the resident of Uman Yehuda Magidovich went together with future Israeli celebrities — historian Klausner, future editor of the famous newspaper “Haaretz” Glikson, poet Ratosh, doctor of medicine Yassky, artists Konstantinovsky, Frenkel, Navon and Litvinovsky, sculptor Ziffer, future Minister of Education Dinur, future Knesset member Rachel Cohen-Kagan, the mother of future Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin — Rosa Cohen…
This was not just a voyage — Israelis would later call it “the Mayflower of Zionism”. On board were about six hundred people: historians, artists, future politicians, poets. On December 19, 1919, “Ruslan” docked in Jaffa, and Magidovich, along with the others, set foot on the land that would become his new home.
Jews from Ukraine: from Uman to the White City. Yehuda Magidovich — first architect of Tel Aviv
The beginning in Tel Aviv: drawings from Odessa
He did not arrive empty-handed — in his luggage were hundreds of Odessa projects that he had managed to save from the archives. Most of these were plans for villas in the spirit of the Italian and French Riviera, reworked “in the Odessa style.”
Now they were to be transformed into houses on Montefiore Street, Nachlat Binyamin, and in new neighborhoods. Many of these mansions were built in Tel Aviv, reinterpreted already in a Jewish manner. In 1920, he was appointed the first chief architect of Tel Aviv. He was responsible for planning and approving projects, and at the same time designed himself — sometimes in eclecticism with elements of the Moorish style, sometimes in strict Art Deco.
He held this position until 1923, after which he opened his own office.
Friend of the mayor and bold projects
He had known Mayor Meir Dizengoff since the days of Uman. The friendship helped — not in terms of privileges, but in terms of boldness of decisions. Thus, “Galei Aviv Casino” — a building on stilts right above the water — became the city’s calling card. The creative bohemia gathered here, and even Winston Churchill visited. The casino survived the storm of 1936 but was demolished after Dizengoff’s death — during his lifetime the mayor “kept a hand” over his friend’s project. In 1923, Yehuda Magidovich opened his own architectural firm and began to build residential and administrative buildings in the city, which at that time were especially in demand in the young city. To this day, the construction company “Rafael Megido,” named after Magidovich’s son, is well known.
Magidovich worked in the Art Nouveau style — this is what the local version of the modern style is called in Israel. Many interesting buildings were destroyed, for example, the “Kovalkin House” in the Dizengoff Square area, and the casino — “an amazing, spacious, light building, in the spirit of people in high spirits.” But many, fortunately, have survived, including the Great Synagogue on Allenby, the “Levin House,” the “Nordau” hotel, the “Ben Nahum” hotel, and the “Beit Carousel” on Rothschild Boulevard. In the central part of the “Carousel House” there was a fireplace, and inside the windows was suspended a second row of colored stained glass windows.
They hung on rings, and when the air heated by the fire in the fireplace caused them to move slightly, the reflections of the fire played in the glass pieces of the stained glass, and then bright colored spots danced around the room — hence the name of the house. The “House with Columns” on Rambam Street is decorated with columns and arches — elements of the classical style. It was built in 1924 and is now included in the list of houses subject to restoration. The square where this building is located bears the name of Yehuda Magidovich.
The Levin House: terrorist attack and secret mechanism
In 1923, wealthy merchant Yaakov Levin commissioned Magidovich to build a mansion on Rothschild Boulevard. The architect designed a Tuscan villa with a tower whose roof could be retracted, opening a view of the starry sky during the Sukkot holiday. Over the years, the building housed a bank, a British school, the headquarters of the “Hagana,” and later the Soviet embassy. In 1953, fighters from “Etzel” and “Lehi” threw a grenade into the building — a protest against the antisemitic “Doctors’ Plot” in the USSR. People were injured, including the ambassador’s wife. Three days later, the USSR broke off diplomatic relations with Israel — until Stalin’s death.
In 1991, the Levin House, the work of the native of Uman, was declared “an object of special architectural value” and underwent an extremely expensive restoration — with the involvement of the best specialists and equipment specially brought from South Africa. When restorers worked on the tower, they discovered in its highest part a pile of old newspapers and an amazing mechanism, the purpose of which no one knew. They tried to set it in motion — and were shocked when the roof above their heads retracted: the mechanism, invented by the man from Uman, worked perfectly even after 70 years!
After the restoration, the Levin House housed exhibition halls and the office of the famous antique auction house Sotheby’s. In 2006, for 35 million shekels (comparable to the cost of the nearby “Beit Alrov” tower), the villa was purchased by Canadian billionaire Gerry Schwartz. The house, built by a native of Uman, still remains one of the main architectural gems of the capital’s tourist routes.
Architectural style
Over his career he designed more than 500 buildings. The Great Synagogue, villas with columns and domes, houses in Art Deco and in the International Style — all these are works by Magidovich. Even when moving toward modernism, he retained the habit of adding details — arches, small towers, decorative grilles — that referred to his European and Ukrainian experience.
Ukraine in memory and in works
After emigration, he could not return to Ukraine — the Soviet authorities did not allow such contacts. But in his projects one could always find echoes of the “Ukrainian period”: the proportions of the facades, planning techniques, decorative solutions. Israeli guidebooks invariably call him “a native of Uman.” In recent years Ukrainian local historians have also remembered him: publications were issued in the Cherkasy region, and in the Odesa museum in 2024 they even held a review of his Odesa years.
Final and legacy
In 1954, Magidovich suffered a stroke and stopped working. He died in 1961 in Tel Aviv and was buried in the Kiryat Shaul cemetery. He left behind not only buildings, but also an example of how a person from a provincial Ukrainian town can influence the appearance of one of the most famous cities in the world. He was survived by sons and descendants. The family house on Mogiliver Street, which was not included in the list of city heritage sites, was demolished in 2016, and a modern residential building was constructed on its ruins.
In 1993, architect Gilad Dovshni published an extensive book devoted to Magidovich’s work and his contribution to the development of Tel Aviv and Israel’s construction industry. In 2019, a memorial in his honor was installed on the pedestrian Nachalat Binyamin Street.
… The section “Jews from Ukraine” on NAnews — News of Israel tells about people whose roots are in Ukraine and whose contribution is in the history of the Jewish people and Israel. These are stories where Ukrainian experience and Israeli destiny are intertwined in one life path. The biography of Yehuda Magidovich is a vivid example of this connection, from Uman and Odessa to hundreds of buildings in the White City.
A lawsuit has been filed in a U.S. federal court that harkens back to century-old legal disputes but with a very modern agenda. The American investment fund Noble Capital RSD is seeking to recover up to $225 billion from the Russian Federation for 1916 Russian Empire bonds and directly points to frozen Russian assets abroad as a potential source for debt repayment.
The defendants in the case are named as the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Finance, the Central Bank, and the National Wealth Fund. The plaintiff claims to own imperial bonds worth $25 million with a 5.5% coupon, placed through the National City Bank of New York, and estimates the total obligations, including interest and the so-called “gold clause,” at a minimum of $225 billion.
In the lawsuit materials, the fund insists that the refusal to fulfill obligations violates the doctrine of succession of power. According to Noble Capital RSD, Russia, as the successor to the USSR, inherited not only assets but also debts, including pre-revolutionary securities, which, the plaintiff claims, were not terminated concerning American investors.
The lawsuit separately outlines a mechanism for possible court decision enforcement. The fund directly links its claims to Russian assets frozen after the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and especially after the start of the full-scale war against Ukraine in 2022. The plaintiff emphasizes that this is not about confiscation but about debt offset as a form of obligation fulfillment, which, it claims, is in accordance with international law.
There has been no official reaction from Moscow to the lawsuit yet. Meanwhile, the Russian side’s position on “tsarist debts” remains unchanged. Sergey Sokolov, a partner at Marks & Sokolov, representing the defendants’ interests, stated that the bonds were annulled by the Soviet government back in 1918 and “long sent to the dustbin of history.” According to him, neither the USSR nor the Russian Federation ever recognized responsibility for these papers.
The Russian side has already demanded that the fund withdraw the lawsuit by January 30. If this does not happen, lawyers intend to file a motion to dismiss the lawsuit based on the U.S. Foreign Sovereign Immunity Act.
The lawsuit’s history unfolds against the backdrop of a massive blockade of Russian reserves. After the war began, EU and G7 countries froze about half of Russia’s gold and foreign exchange reserves. More than €200 billion are in the European Union, mainly in accounts of the Belgian depository Euroclear.
In response, Moscow introduced special “C” type accounts, where assets of investors from “unfriendly” countries and their income are accumulated. Withdrawal of funds is possible only by decision of a government commission. Simultaneously, the Bank of Russia filed a lawsuit against Euroclear for more than 18 trillion rubles, accusing the EU of attempting to appropriate assets.
The Kremlin has repeatedly stated that any attempts to use frozen reserves undermine the foundations of the global financial system. Earlier, Vladimir Putin called such ideas robbery and warned of long-term losses for the global financial order.
Lawyers note that even if the American court accepts the Noble Capital RSD lawsuit for consideration, the prospect of actual recovery remains highly uncertain. Issues of state immunity, succession, and the admissibility of sovereign asset offsets are in a gray area of international law and directly depend on the political context.
For global markets, this case is important not so much because of the amount but because of the consequences. It tests the boundaries of the sanctions regime, the role of American courts in cross-border financial conflicts, and the very concept of dealing with frozen state assets. That is why the dispute over the “tsarist debt” goes far beyond archival bonds and becomes part of a large geopolitical discussion, closely followed by readers of NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency.
The Hasidic New Year is celebrated on the 19th of Kislev and symbolizes spiritual renewal. This day is associated with the release of Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi from prison in 1798, which was a turning point for the Hasidic movement.
The founder of Hasidism, the Baal Shem Tov, began his activities in the 1730s in Ukraine, making cities such as Medzhibozh, Uman and Berdichev centers of this spiritual teaching.
Role Chief Rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Azman as a spiritual leader enhances the significance of Hasidism in the modern Ukrainian context. His efforts help strengthen ties between Israel and Ukraine, emphasizing the importance of shared historical roots.
“This event is of deep significance for Ukraine, because it was the Ukrainian land that became the cradle of Hasidism. Medzhibozh, Uman, Berdichev, Nizhyn and many other Ukrainian cities are symbols of spirituality that attract pilgrims from all over the world!
Hasidism reminds us of the importance of joy, unity and faith even in the most difficult times. This message is very relevant today, when Ukraine and Israel are fighting for their Independence and freedom.” — written by Moshe Azmanemphasizing the relevance of this message for today.
The importance of Hasidism for Ukraine and Israel
Hasidism integrates Jewish heritage and spirituality with Ukrainian history. These connections are also important for the modern Jewish community, especially in the context of interaction between Ukraine and Israel.
Medzhibozh – the place where the Baal Shem Tov founded the movement.
Uman – a center of pilgrimage thanks to the tomb of Rabbi Nachman.
Berdichev – the city where Rabbi Levi Isaac worked and was buried.
Celebration traditions
On the 19th of Kislev according to the Jewish calendar (this year, 2024, falls on December 19-20), the New Year of Hasidism is celebrated.
The Hasidic New Year is celebrated with prayers, readings of philosophical texts, and festive gatherings. On this day, the annual cycle of reading the book “Tanya” begins, which is the basis of the teachings of the Chabad movement.
Table: Historical centers of Hasidism in Ukraine
City
Meaning
Medzhibozh
The place where the Baal Shem Tov founded the movement.
Uman
Rabbi Nachman’s tomb, attracting thousands of pilgrims.
Berdichev
The city of Rabbi Levi Isaac, a significant center of Jewish spirituality.
Ukraine – the cradle of Hasidism
Hasidism as a spiritual movement grew on Ukrainian soil. These traditions are still alive and revered, and the monument cities continue to attract pilgrims from all over the world.
Our website NAnews — Israel News pays special attention to important events that unite the two peoples. The Hasidic New Year is a vivid example of how history unites Israel and Ukraine.
Conclusion
The celebration of the 19th of Kislev recalls spiritual roots, common traditions and the importance of mutual respect between peoples. The Ukrainian land became the starting point for Hasidism, whose ideas of joy, faith and unity are relevant for all generations.
The question “why doesn’t Russia rebel” is being asked in Ukraine and increasingly in Israel, where the war in Europe is not seen as a “distant conflict” but as part of a common axis of threats: Moscow–Tehran (Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthis, and other allied RF terrorist formations), suppression technologies, drones, missiles, sanctions, Syria. On the surface, the answer seems simple: fear and propaganda. But that’s too narrow. NV report offers a set of explanations — weak horizontal connections, targeted “deals” of the state with families, a repressive environment, fatigue without organization. The essence is that the Kremlin has turned the war into a controlled conveyor, where the “human cost” does not turn into political action.
We will add our own analysis to this: which arguments really hold, where they are insufficient, and what might break the current model.
Mechanics of ‘zeroing’: why there are no riots in the Russian Federation, although the war against Ukraine has long become a systemic humiliation of its own citizens
1) Disunity and lack of horizontal connections — this is not a metaphor, it’s infrastructure
The argument about “weak horizontal connections” often sounds like a psychological diagnosis, but in reality, it is institutional. Protest is not an emotion, but logistics: where to gather, how to spread information, who organizes legal protection, who coordinates mutual aid, where are the media channels, how to collect money, how to connect different cities.
In Russia, this infrastructure has been systematically dismantled for years: public organizations were declared “foreign agents,” independent media were closed, local activists were imprisoned, any “self-organization” was labeled as a threat to the state. The result: even if there are many dissatisfied people, they do not form an active network. This explains the paradox: high fatigue coexists with a low capacity for collective action.
Another important point: disunity is not a “national character,” but the result of policy. The regime encourages atomization: let people compete with each other for resources, status, safety. Disunited people are easier to control. This is not unique to Russia; it is a standard tool of authoritarian systems that fear not protests, but solidarity.
2) “Deals” with families and private compensation instead of public justice
The second pillar is targeted “tension relief” through money and administrative decisions. The family of a deceased person may receive compensation, benefits, “help” with documents. From a moral standpoint, this does not negate the tragedy. But from a management standpoint, it works: the pain becomes a private matter for the family, not a public conflict.
This mechanism has two bonuses for the authorities. The first is the neutralization of a potential pressure group. Relatives of the deceased could become a mass movement, as has happened in other wars. But when each case is “closed” separately, a unified subject does not form.
The second is the attachment of a person to the state. The family becomes dependent on payments and decisions of officials. This encourages silence: “just so it doesn’t get worse,” “don’t take away benefits,” “don’t start problems.” In an authoritarian system, even formal assistance often acts as a tool of control.
3) Fear is important, but not directly: fear is a network of small threats
Yes, repression suppresses protest. But the risk of prison is not as effective as the sum of small threats: job loss, problems at the university for children, pressure on business, fines, searches, “preventive conversations,” the risk of being listed as unreliable. This makes publicity toxic. A person may hate the war but chooses the strategy of “not sticking out.”
Here is an important detail: fear works as long as people believe that the regime has long arms and that resistance is pointless. As soon as there is a sense of the regime’s instability, fear begins to fail. Therefore, repressive regimes often appear “monolithic” right up to the moment when they break down sharply. Not because people suddenly became brave, but because fear ceased to be rational.
4) Propaganda is not the main engine. The main engine is the habit of powerlessness and the lack of experience of results
Explaining everything with propaganda is convenient, but it’s an oversimplification. Propaganda helps justify the war in conversation and reduces cognitive dissonance. But even many of those who do not believe the TV do not protest.
The reason is deeper: a significant part of society has no experience that protest brings change. If a person sees for decades that the authorities do not respond, elections do not change reality, rallies end in detentions — a habit of political helplessness forms. Not “I support,” but “I decide nothing.” This is the foundation of passivity.
The scheme looks cynical: the regime can tolerate growing discontent if this discontent is not organized and does not turn into action. Therefore, the authorities fear not criticism in the kitchen, but coordination on the street.
5) The war is unevenly distributed: capitals lived “as if nothing was happening” for a long time
Our key addition to NV’s logic is the unevenness of pain. The war in Russia has long been “smeared” across the periphery. Recruitment, losses, death notices, material incentives hit harder on poor regions, small towns, national outskirts. And large cities — especially Moscow and St. Petersburg — tried to live in showcase mode: cafes, shopping centers, services, holidays.
The regime does everything to prevent the war from becoming “capital.” Because the protest potential in capitals is higher: more people with resources, more connections, more media coverage. As long as the war remains “regional” in terms of human cost, the likelihood of a nationwide explosion is lower. This is not an excuse. This is an explanation of the mechanics.
6) The alternative to protest is departure, evasion, internal sabotage
Another reason for the “silence” is not because people are satisfied, but because the protest has gone into other forms. Some have left (including to Israel). Some have gone into “internal emigration”: silence, refusal to participate in politics, minimizing contact with the state. Some evade: relocations, fake certificates, gray schemes, avoiding military enlistment offices, refusal of publicity.
This slowly but steadily destroys the social fabric. The problem is that such “quiet protest” does not give an immediate political effect but undermines trust and manageability. The regime can live with this as long as it maintains forceful control and financial cushions.
7) The army as a mirror of society: money becomes a tool of coercion
NV describes an important point about the “contract model” and payments. On paper, this looks like a voluntary choice. In practice, more often — as economic coercion. When there is no decent work in the region, high payments for a contract turn into a trap. The regime buys the loyalty of poverty.
At the same time, the increase in payments is a sign of a problem, not strength. If recruitment were stable, there would be no need to constantly raise the price of human life. When the price rises, it means motivation falls, and the risk of refusal increases.
And then a toxic internal economy of the army appears: extortion, “paid” decisions, corruption, violence. This destroys morale and discipline. And this is also a factor that can lead to unexpected breakdowns — not necessarily mass riots in the squares, but to a loss of manageability within the institution that should be the regime’s support.
8) Does this mean there will be no rebellion? No. It means that rebellion depends not on morality, but on manageability
The most common mistake is to expect a rebellion as “moral retribution”: since the war is unjust, people must come out. In reality, mass protests arise when manageability breaks down: when the usual model “you endure — we maintain the appearance of normality” stops working.
Triggers that can really change the picture:
— Mobilization affecting large cities massively.
If the war ceases to be “regional” and becomes “capital,” the protest risk rises sharply.
— Economic blow that cannot be masked by payments and loans.
When incomes fall, jobs disappear, “peaceful” expectations collapse — passivity decreases.
— Management collapse in the regions.
If local elites stop “resolving” the consequences of the war, accumulated anger can become massive.
— Major military failure.
Not in the form of “news,” but in the form of a breakdown of the sense of control, when even apolitical people begin to think that the authorities are leading the country to disaster.
9) Why is this important to Israel
For Israel, the question is not academic. Russia has long ceased to be a “neutral player” and actively interacts with Hamas, with Iran, its terrorist proxies — Hezbollah, and other terrorists) and its military capabilities. Any strengthening or weakening of Russian stability reflects on regional threats: technology supplies, sanctions regimes, political deals in Syria, export of repressive practices.
As long as the Kremlin maintains internal stability through disunity and redistribution of pain, it can continue the war and simultaneously negotiate in the Middle East. But this model has a limit. When the war begins to “come home” — to capital families, to the economy, to everyday life — the regime faces what it fears most: not criticism, but a mass refusal to be governed.
This is precisely the practical meaning of the “zeroing theory.” The war turns into a mechanism that nullifies a person — their rights, safety, dignity, choice. But the system holds as long as the nullification remains individual, fragmented, “one by one.” As soon as it becomes collective and synchronous — the walls begin to crack.
On January 15, 2025 it became known that The Israeli Knesset approved a bill to perpetuate the memory of the outstanding Rabbi Chaim Drukman.
Born in 1932 in the Carpathian town of Kuty (now a village in the Kosovo region of the Ivano-Frankivsk region of Ukraine), he became one of the key figures of religious Zionism, leaving a deep mark on the history of Israel. This law highlights his enormous contribution to the unification of the Jewish people.
Chaim Druckman – an example of how Jews from Ukraine made a significant contribution to the development of modern Israel. His life became a bridge between the Ukrainian heritage and the Israeli future.
Rubric “Jews from Ukraine” NAnews is dedicated to the unique stories of Jewish personalities whose roots go back to Ukraine, and whose contributions are noticeable in Israel and beyond.
“Jews from Ukraine: Chaim Druckman” is the story of a prominent rabbi who connected the Jewish history of Galicia with the modern religious and cultural development of Israel.
Ukrainian roots and childhood
At the beginning of the 20th century Kuty town was home to a multi-ethnic population, including a significant Ukrainian, Polish and Jewish community.
Jewish community of Kutov:
In 1765, 124 Jewish families lived in Kuty.
The city was famous for its Jewish traditions, synagogue and cemetery.
Chaim Druckman’s childhood occurred during a tragic period in Jewish history. With the outbreak of World War II, the Jewish population of Galicia was subjected to mass extermination.
With the beginning of the German-Soviet war, Hungarian troops, allies of Germany, entered Kuty (July 1, 1941), who transferred power to the German administration in August. During the German occupation, almost all Jews were exterminated.
On August 15 of the same year, another 1,181 people were shot in the Sheparovsky forest.
Chaim Druckman and his family miraculously survived. On Passover 1942, he hid with his parents in the basement under his uncle’s house in the non-Jewish (Ukrainian) part of the city.
In the summer of 1942, his parents fled with him to Chernivtsi, which was at that time part of Romania, where they stayed for a year. Druckman spent some time in the shelter. His parents later handed him over to a childless Jewish couple who received certificates of entry into Palestine, and sent him with them in August 1944 on one of three ships from Constanta to Istanbul.
According to the original plan, they were supposed to sail on the Mefkura, but they were late and got on another ship, and thus escaped, as the Mefkura was sunk by a submarine, and almost all the passengers died. After the war, his parents immigrated to Israel and the family was reunited.
Chaim Druckman’s main achievements for Israel
1. Leadership in Religious Zionism
Chaim Drukman became a symbol of the religious Zionist movement, combining tradition and the desire for national revival.
He headed the Ohr Etzion yeshiva, which became a center of religious education.
He led the Bnei Akiva yeshiva association, teaching thousands of students.
Supported the integration of religious values into modern Israeli society.
2. Political activity
Drukman was a member of the Knesset and served as Deputy Minister of Religious Affairs. In this role, he actively promoted legislative initiatives that strengthened Israel’s Jewish identity.
3. Management of the conversion system
From 2004 to 2012, Chaim Drukman led the process of conversion (acceptance of Judaism) in Israel. Under his leadership, tens of thousands of people became part of the Jewish people.
Disciples who became leaders of Israel
Chaim Druckman raised thousands of students, many of whom took up key positions in Israel. Among them:
Naftali Bennett – Former Prime Minister of Israel.
Yossi Cohen – Director of Mossad.
Benny Ganz – General and Minister of Defense.
Yoaz Hendel – Israeli politician.
Israel Katz – minister and politician.
Abraham Stern – head of educational programs.
These leaders emphasize how significant Druckman’s influence was in shaping future generations.
Departure
Chaim Druckman died on December 25, 2022 in Jerusalem. at the age of 90 years. His death was a huge loss for Israel and the Jewish world. The main cause of death was complications caused by coronavirus infection.
His funeral became a national event. Thousands of people gathered to pay tribute to a man who dedicated his life to serving the Jewish people.
Law on perpetuation of memory
In 2025, the Israeli Knesset passed a law establishing a state corporation to preserve the legacy of Chaim Drukman.
Rabbi Chaim Meir Drukman (1932 – 2022) was a prominent Israeli rabbi, head of a yeshiva, educator, public figure in religious Zionism, and author of numerous philosophical works. He held key positions in the leadership of Religious Zionism, including the positions of head of the Ohr Etzion yeshiva and president of the Bnei Akiva yeshiva association. Drukman was a member of the Knesset and Deputy Minister of Religious Affairs from the MAFDAL party, and also headed the conversion system in the Prime Minister’s Office from 2004 to 2012.
In 2012, he was awarded the Israel Prize for Lifetime Achievement.
The main objectives of the corporation:
Creation of a museum, archive and research institute.
Conducting educational events.
Promoting the values that Druckman preached: love for the Torah, the people and the Land of Israel.
The law is intended to highlight Druckman’s contribution to uniting the people of Israel based on love for the Torah and the Land of Israel.
According to the law, the corporation will be responsible for establishing a research institute, museum and archive dedicated to the life and work of Rabbi Druckman. Tours and events will be held at these institutions so that residents of the country can become acquainted with the legacy of the deceased
.
The influence of Ukrainian Jewish history on Druckman
Ukraine has always been an important center of Jewish culture. Galicia, where Druckman was born, became the birthplace of many outstanding rabbis, thinkers and cultural figures.
Jewish tradition of Galicia:
Development of Hasidism.
Contribution to the spiritual and philosophical heritage of the Jewish people.
Druckman carried through his life the memory of the Jewish communities of Ukraine and their traditions.
Table: Contributions of Chaim Druckman
Scope of activity
Key achievements
Religious Zionism
Leadership, founding yeshivas, raising generations of leaders
Political activity
Knesset member, legislative initiatives
Conversion
Managing the process, integrating thousands of new citizens
Education
Trained thousands of students, including prime ministers and ministers
Heritage
Law on perpetuation of memory, recognition at the state level
Conclusion
The life of Chaim Drukman became a bridge between the Jewish history of Ukraine and modern Israel. His contributions to religion, education and public life make him a figure of global importance.
Our website NAnews – Israel News continues to talk about outstanding personalities who connect the history of Ukraine and Israel. Subscribe to learn more about those who are changing the world.
In Israel, the events in Iran are not viewed as an abstract “foreign revolution.” Here, there is a clear understanding of what happens when a regime decides to hold on at any cost. Israelis see in the Iranian protests not only a fight for freedom of speech or economic demands — they recognize familiar signs: communication shutdowns, city isolation, pressure on families, and attempts to erase the very fact of resistance.
This concern does not arise out of nowhere. Over the past years, Israeli society has learned to recognize early signals of authoritarian tightening. When the state first cuts off the internet, then breaks down protests by districts, and later declares silence as proof of “stability,” it is perceived not as a news hookup but as a recurring scenario. Iran today appears as another point in a chain that has already passed through other countries.
There is also a broader context. In Israel, it is well remembered that Iran was not always a state of ayatollahs and religious dictatorship. Before the 1979 revolution, it was a country with which there were complex but working relations, elements of regional partnership, and dialogue between societies. That is why the current protests are often perceived here as an attempt to return Iran to basic principles — freedom, justice, and the right of society to influence its own future.
Against this backdrop, the unprecedented protests in Iran have become not only an internal crisis of the regime but also a kind of test for its external allies. And it is here that the question of Moscow’s role is increasingly raised. Analysts point out: without direct troop deployment, without loud gestures, Russia has become one of the key factors allowing Tehran to maintain control over the streets and the information space.
This is not about classic military intervention. Russia acts differently — building a multi-layered protective contour for the Iranian authorities. This contour includes technology, weapons, digital tools, and, no less importantly, well-practiced methods of suppressing dissent. This is not improvisation. This set has been formed over the years.
In Moscow, mass protests are traditionally perceived as a threat capable of crossing national borders. The fear of “exporting revolutions” became part of political logic long before the war against Ukraine. That is why the experience of managing protest activity, accumulated within Russia, was consistently transferred to allied and dependent regimes. In 2025, this cooperation was formalized with agreements that legalized the exchange of control technologies — including over national segments of the internet.
Russia’s forceful presence in Iran’s security system is expressed in specific supplies. This includes lethal and conditionally “non-lethal” weapons. Units of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Basij formations use Russian AK-103 rifles and Dragunov sniper rifles. This weapon is not intended for the front but for targeted use in urban environments — where protesters were just citizens on the street yesterday.
Assessing the real scale of casualties in conditions of total communication shutdown is extremely difficult. Representatives of human rights organizations spoke of an unprecedented level of violence for modern Iranian history. Opposition sources mentioned estimates of thousands of deaths over a short period. Verifying these figures is impossible precisely because the digital blockade has become part of the repressive strategy. But even without exact data, it is obvious: the scale of what is happening goes beyond the usual scenarios of protest suppression.
In the streets of Iranian cities, the appearance of heavy equipment, previously not associated with “police” operations, was recorded. T-72 tanks and BTR-60 armored personnel carriers, adapted for urban conditions, became an element of intimidation. This is a signal not only to the protesters but to the entire society: the authorities are ready to use military means against their own population.
This picture is complemented by Russian-made helicopters. Transport Mi-17s and attack Mi-28s are used as tools of psychological pressure. Even without active fire, their constant presence over cities creates an atmosphere of total control. Low flights and continuous noise turn ordinary street presence into a risk.
A separate place is occupied by what is officially called “non-lethal” direction. After the 2022 protests, Iranian delegations actively studied in Russia the experience of using stun guns, flashbang grenades, and special means for force operations. These tools allow dispersing crowds and conducting mass arrests, reducing the visible political cost of a large number of deaths but not decreasing the level of violence and injuries.
By the end of 2025, cooperation reached a new level. According to investigations, Moscow secretly supplied Tehran with about forty “Spartak” armored vehicles. MRAP-class vehicles are designed for long-term operations in dense urban areas and were initially developed for Russia’s internal security forces. Their appearance in Iran became a direct borrowing of the internal control model, practiced in other countries.
The nature of the supplies underscores their sensitivity. Transportation was carried out by Il-76 aircraft along routes, trying to minimize international attention. This indicates the urgency of assistance precisely at moments of peak pressure on the regime.
However, experts consider the most significant contribution from Russia not to be armored vehicles or firearms, but assistance in creating a system of digital isolation. The internet shutdown, which began on January 8, 2026, showed a new level of control. Unlike previous years, communication was not just cut off. A model of managed connectivity was implemented: international access and mobile networks were paralyzed, but government services, banks, and internal resources continued to operate.
This scheme allows the regime to maintain the manageability of the economy and administration while depriving protesters of the ability to coordinate and transmit information outside. An additional element was the fight against bypass communication channels. The technologies used allow identifying and blocking encrypted traffic and selectively disconnecting communication in certain areas without affecting the rest of the country.
Cooperation with Russian IT companies provided Iranian special services with tools to disrupt protest coordination networks at early stages. This means a transition from reactive measures to preventive ones, where self-organization is suppressed before it becomes widespread.
In Israel, this picture is increasingly linked to the war in Ukraine. The same logic of imperial thinking, the same approach to suppressing resistance, the same belief in the power of isolation and fear. Putin’s Russia, waging war against Ukraine, simultaneously exports suppression technologies to other regimes. Iran becomes one of the key recipients of this “experience.”
The Israeli government has been pointed to this reality for several years now. Russia has long ceased to be a neutral player and partner. It cooperates with Israel’s enemies, arms them, and helps them stay in power. Nevertheless, at the level of political decisions, this is often ignored — for reasons of convenience, inertia, or the desire to postpone difficult conclusions.
That is why the conversation about protests in Iran goes far beyond one country. It concerns a global system of authoritarian mutual assistance, where suppression becomes an export product, and freedoms — a bargaining chip. Documenting this connection and its consequences is the task of journalism. This is what NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency writes about, considering events not in isolation but in their overall, alarming context.
“We held the premieres of this film in Israel a year ago. And now, due to numerous requests, we are doing a repeat screening. (Tickets and details to follow)” – write the organizers.
February 3, 2026 = Tel Aviv.
Remember: every ticket purchased is your contribution to the development of Ukrainian cinema!
“You, Cosmos” in Israel: Ukrainian film about the universe and love – Tel Aviv February 3, 2026 (repeat screening)
You Are the Universe is the first Ukrainian science fiction film about space, love, and loneliness. In February 2026, its Israeli premiere took place in Tel Aviv and Haifa.
This film is important because it addresses themes of resilience and love, which are especially relevant today. At a time when Ukraine and Israel are waging a just defensive war against global terrorism in the form of Russia, Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, and other terrorists, art helps maintain hope and unites people around the world.
Video from the screening in Haifa in 2025:
You Are the Universe: Love on the Edge of the Universe
You Are the Universe (Eng. U Are the Universe) is a 2024 Ukrainian science fiction tragicomedy directed by Pavlo Ostrikov, starring Volodymyr Kravchuk.
The film tells the story of Ukrainian space trucker Andriy Melnyk, from Khmelnytskyi (Ukraine), who has been traveling for two years on a space cargo ship to the nearest black hole.
Together with the onboard computer Maksym, whose task is to entertain the pilot, they must drop a container of nuclear waste into the abyss of the black hole.
However, suddenly Earth explodes, and Andriy becomes the only person in the Universe until he is contacted by a lab assistant from the French space station, Catherine.
Deciding to fly towards each other, they embark on a long journey lasting three long years, during which their hearts fill with love.
The world premiere of Pavlo Ostrikov’s Sci-Fi film You Are the Universe, created by ForeFilms in co-production with Ukraine and Belgium, took place as part of the official competition of the Toronto International Film Festival. The film has won many awards at film festivals in France, Italy, Germany, Greece.
The Ukrainian release of the film began in the spring of 2025, and audiences in Israel saw it earlier.
Box Office
During the first weekend of release (November 20–24, 2025), the film grossed 8.7 million hryvnias, and the number of viewers reached 47 thousand, making it one of the best starts of the season for Ukrainian cinema.
In two weeks of release, the film grossed 23.6 million UAH. The film was watched by 130,213 viewers.
By the end of the third week of release, Pavlo Ostrikov’s film grossed 37.7 million UAH in Ukraine, with the number of viewers reaching 208,683 people.
In six weeks, the film was watched by 304,809 viewers. The box office in Ukraine during this period amounted to 56.2 million UAH, while the film continues to hold in release.
Cast
Volodymyr Kravchuk — trucker Andriy
Leonid Popadko — onboard computer Maksym
The main role in the film was played by Volodymyr Kravchuk, who is a serviceman of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. His on-screen partner was the robot Maksym, voiced by Leonid Popadko (also serves in the army).
Crew
Director: Pavlo Ostrikov
Screenwriter: Pavlo Ostrikov
Cinematographer: Nikita Kuzmenko
Production Designer: Vladlen Odudenko
Sound Director: Serhiy Stepansky
Editor: Ivan Bannikov
Costume Designer: Maria Kero
Makeup Artist: Maria Pilunska
Casting Director: Alla Samoylenko
Producers: Volodymyr Yatsenko, Anna Yatsenko
Executive Producer: Oleksandra Bratyshchenko
Awards
2024: Strasbourg Film Festival (France) — “Golden Octopus”
2024: Strasbourg Film Festival — “Silver Méliès”
2024: FilmFestival Cottbus (Germany) — Best Director Award
2024: Thessaloniki International Film Festival (Greece) — Best Acting Award
2024: Science+Fiction Festival (Italy) — Best Feature Film
Why Watch This Film?
Original Plot: A fantastic story where reality and fiction intertwine in a tragicomedy about the meaning of life and love.
International Recognition: The film was shown at festivals in Toronto, Strasbourg, Thessaloniki, and received several awards.
Cultural Bridge: This is a rare opportunity for the Israeli audience to get acquainted with contemporary Ukrainian cinema.
Remember:every ticket purchased is your contribution to the development of Ukrainian cinema!
NAnews — News of Israel: On Cultural Ties Between Ukraine and Israel
Our website NAnews — News of Israel regularly covers cultural events that strengthen relations between Israelis and Ukrainians. This film is another step towards mutual understanding and cultural exchange.
Remember that every ticket purchased is your contribution to the development of Ukrainian cinema.
At the border crossing in Narva, an Israeli found himself at the center of an unexpected incident: a regular souvenir from Russia — a samovar — became the reason for his detention. The story happened in early January and quickly spread through Estonian media because it clearly demonstrated how European Union sanctions work in practice.
The case involves a 25-year-old Israeli citizen who was traveling from Russia to Estonia. For him, it was the first border crossing in 2026. Following standard procedure, the traveler chose the “green corridor,” but customs sent him for additional inspection.
During the inspection, a samovar was found in his luggage — purchased in Russia as a souvenir. According to the tourist, he did not know that this item was included in the European Union’s sanctions list and was prohibited from being imported into the EU.
The incident was reported on January 13 by the Russian-language “Narva Gazette.” The publication specifies that the events took place on January 6 at the border checkpoint in Narva. After explanations from customs, the man was given a warning and offered to return to Russia, avoiding administrative proceedings.
The sanction context here is crucial. After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the European Union consistently expanded the list of goods banned from export to and import from Russia. The list includes military and dual-use items, high-tech electronics, aviation and navigation equipment, as well as components of the oil and gas industry.
Items made from so-called “strategically important metals” are listed separately. According to explanations from European regulators, the samovar fell into this category — as a metal product potentially subject to restrictions. Formally, the cultural symbolism of the item is not significant, but its material and origin are.
The case at the Estonian border served as another reminder: sanctions are not abstract policies but specific rules that apply even to tourist souvenirs. Ignorance of the lists does not exempt from consequences, and luggage inspection can result in a turnaround at the border.
For Israeli travelers planning routes through Russia and EU countries, this episode was indicative. In the new conditions, even familiar items require additional checks — and attention to how Europe’s regulatory reality is changing.
Such seemingly everyday stories show how geopolitics penetrates daily life — as NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency writes, capturing details that are easy to miss but hard to ignore.
The administration of U.S. President Donald Trump is expanding an economic-technological strategy aimed at controlling and protecting global supply chains of critical resources for the IT sector and artificial intelligence systems. A key element of this policy is an initiative called Pax Silica.
This is an attempt to build a sustainable economic security architecture where access to silicon, semiconductors, energy, and AI infrastructure is viewed as a matter of sovereignty rather than a free market.
At Washington’s initiative, a coalition of states was formed to protect silicon supplies — a basic resource for microchips, data centers, and AI platforms. It includes Israel, Singapore, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and United Kingdom.
The initiative covers the entire production and logistics cycle — from raw material extraction and energy to semiconductor production, AI infrastructure, and global logistics. The U.S. emphasizes that the vulnerability of even one link makes the entire technological chain dependent on external pressure.
U.S. Deputy Secretary for Economic Affairs Jacob Gelberg called the document “the operational basis of a new consensus in the field of economic security.” Participants agreed to coordinate actions in key segments — from software and platforms to mineral processing, transportation, and energy.
In the next stage, Qatar and United Arab Emirates may join the initiative. Simultaneously, consultations are underway with the European Union, Canada, and Taiwan.
The name Pax Silica refers to Pax Romana — a period of stability and economic growth achieved through strict control over infrastructure. In the new reality, the role of roads and ports is played by silicon, rare earth elements, and computing power.
The main challenge for the U.S. remains the dominance of China in the supply chains of rare earth elements. Beijing controls up to 90% of the global market for these materials, which are critically important for the production of chips and AI systems.
After China restricted the export of rare earth elements in 2025 in response to Washington’s tariff policy, the dependence of the global technology industry became apparent. This strengthened the position of Chinese President Xi Jinping in trade negotiations and prompted the U.S. to accelerate alternative supply chains.
However, Pax Silica is not solely about containing China. The strategy includes the reindustrialization of the U.S., trade balancing, supply chain protection, and the use of economic tools to stabilize conflict regions — from Sub-Saharan Africa to the Middle East.
In this context, the participation of Israel, as well as the potential involvement of Qatar and the UAE, takes on special significance. It is not only about technologies but also about forming a new geo-economic architecture where control over resources and AI becomes a factor of influence and security, as consistently noted by NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency.
