On June 1, 2001, late in the evening, one of the most painful terrorist attacks of the Second Intifada occurred on the Tel Aviv promenade. At the entrance to the “Dolphin” disco, also known as the Dolphinarium, a suicide bomber blew himself up among teenagers and young people who were waiting for the party to start by the sea.
21 people were killed. More than 120 were injured. A significant portion of the dead and injured were Russian-speaking Israelis, children and youth from families of immigrants from the former USSR. For Israel, this was not just another terrorist attack of that time. It was an attack on youth, on the new aliyah, on families who came to the country with hopes for safety and a future.
What happened at the entrance to “Dolphin”
On the evening of June 1, a large queue gathered at the club on the Tel Aviv promenade. It was a popular place for teenagers, especially for Russian-speaking youth from Tel Aviv, Bat Yam, Holon, Ramat Gan, Netanya, and other central cities of Israel.
According to Israeli and international sources, the terrorist was Said Hotari, associated with Hamas. It is important to clarify: in various retellings, this attack is sometimes mistakenly attributed to the “Palestinian Islamic Jihad,” but official Israeli reports and materials from major publications link the attack specifically to Hamas.
The terrorist was wearing a belt with explosives. The charge was reinforced with metal elements — nails, balls, screws, and other damaging details. The goal was obvious: not just an explosion, but a maximum number of deaths and severe injuries among people standing close to each other.
A security guard noticed the suspicious behavior of a young man at the entrance. According to memories, when asked what he was doing there, he replied: “Dancing.” He was not allowed inside. Moments later, he blew himself up outside — right where a dense crowd of teenagers was standing.
Why the blow was so terrible
The attack occurred on a Friday evening, in a place of leisure, by the sea, in a city that for many symbolized freedom, music, and ordinary young life. That is why “Dolphin” became in Israeli memory not only the name of a club but also a symbol of the vulnerability of civilian space to terror.
Among the dead were schoolchildren, young soldiers, new immigrants, teenagers who came just to spend the evening. Among the 21 dead were 20 civilians and one serviceman, and most of the victims were young girls.
Russian-speaking Israel and the trauma of “Dolphin”
For the Russian-speaking community of Israel, this attack became a separate historical trauma. Many families came to Israel in the 1990s after the collapse of the USSR. They were building a new life, learning the language, working in hard jobs, adapting to a different culture, and believing that their children could grow up in a freer country.
That night, terror struck precisely at their children.
It is no coincidence that years later, the attack at the Dolphinarium is often remembered as a turning point for Russian-speaking Israelis. This attack became the moment when the Russian-speaking aliyah painfully entered the general Israeli experience of loss, war, and national memory.
This is an important context for today’s Israeli audience. When Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency writes about memory, terrorism, and the price of security, the story of “Dolphin” shows: behind the statistics, there are always specific families, specific cities, and specific children whose names ceased to be just names on a list.
What changed after the attack
After the attack, Israel faced a new level of public shock. The Second Intifada was already underway, but the explosion at the Tel Aviv disco became one of those events that sharply intensified the feeling that terror could reach people anywhere: on a bus, in a cafe, on the street, at the entrance to a club.
The consequences were not only military and political. There was increased attention to the security of places with large crowds, to checks at entrances, to the work of private security and police in recreational areas. Israeli society became even more sensitive to the issue of the security of civilian objects.
For the families of the victims, the consequences lasted for years. Many of the injured underwent surgeries and rehabilitation. Some remained disabled. The parents of the deceased faced not only the loss of their children but also a long sense of injustice: their sons and daughters came or were born here to live, but were killed for the very fact of belonging to Israel.
Why the memory of “Dolphin” is important today
The terrorist attack on June 1, 2001, cannot be viewed only as an event of the past. For Israel, it is part of a long line of struggle against terror, where civilians became targets precisely because they lived ordinary lives.
For Russian-speaking Israelis, this memory has additional meaning. “Dolphin” reminds of a generation of teenagers who grew up between languages, cultures, and identities. They spoke Russian at home, learned Hebrew at school, listened to music, walked by the sea, and tried to become part of Israel without loud declarations.
The terrorist did not choose a military base or a government institution. He came to a disco. It was a blow to the very idea of normalcy: to the right of teenagers to dance, laugh, meet friends, and not think every minute about war.
The Israeli lesson of this tragedy
The memory of “Dolphin” remains important also because it shows the cost of underestimating terrorist ideology. When the murder of teenagers is presented as “resistance,” it destroys the very boundary between political conflict and the conscious mass murder of civilians.
Israel after that night became different. But the Russian-speaking community also became different: more visible, more integrated into the general Israeli grief, more connected to the country’s history not only through repatriation but also through pain.
June 1 is not just a date on the calendar. It is a day of remembrance for the young people who stood in line by the sea and did not return home. And as long as Israel continues to live under the threat of terror, the story of “Dolphin” remains a warning: security begins not with slogans, but with an honest understanding of what the country stands against.
The dream of returning to the Soviet Union in modern Russia is increasingly ceasing to be nostalgia and more often becoming a political program. But the problem is that it is not about the romanticized image of a ‘great power’ from television myths, but about recreating the darkest model of coercion, control, and suppression. For the Israeli audience, this process is especially important because it shows how a state waging an aggressive war against Ukraine is simultaneously restructuring its own society according to the logic of fear, isolation, and controlled disenfranchisement.
Today in Russia, the features of a system where dissent is declared a threat, freedom of speech becomes a crime, and citizens are offered to exchange personal autonomy for the television illusion of stability are becoming more pronounced. And if earlier talks about a ‘new USSR’ could sound like propagandistic bravado, now more signs point to a much harsher scenario — a return not to the late Soviet lifestyle, but to the model of conditional 1937 with modern digital stuffing.
This is no longer a metaphor.
This is a political construction being assembled before our eyes.
USSR 2.0 without a mask — why Russia is rapidly turning into a new type of labor camp
How Russia approaches the model of total submission
Not Soviet nostalgia, but a system of fear and forced loyalty
One of the main features of the current Russian course is the attempt to restore a state where a person exists primarily as a resource. Not as a citizen with rights, not as a participant in public life, but as a controlled unit obliged to work, remain silent, obey, and not ask unnecessary questions. In such a model, war is needed not only for external aggression but also for internal discipline. It justifies censorship, strengthens repression, allows for demands of sacrifice, and simultaneously accustoms society to the idea that the norm is not freedom, but mobilization obedience.
Against this backdrop, ideas that would have recently seemed like political grotesque are increasingly being voiced. Discussions of a six-day workweek, a twelve-hour workday, and the actual expansion of the workload to 72 hours a week fit into the general trend. If such proposals are promoted by people from the pro-government elite, it means that the very idea of turning the country into a huge production barracks is no longer marginal. It is being tested in the public field and gradually introduced into public consciousness as an acceptable future option.
For the authorities, this is convenient. An overworked, intimidated, and economically dependent person resists worse, protests less often, and more easily accepts any new restrictions.
From internet shutdowns to a new serfdom logic
Recent years have shown that the Kremlin closely monitors the limits of its own population’s patience. First, society is accustomed to censorship. Then — to blockages, internet filtering, criminal cases for words, and demonstrative punishments for dissent. After this, the next stage becomes possible: presenting labor coercion, total control, and restriction of personal choice as supposedly necessary measures for the sake of the state, the front, or ‘stability.’
That is why talks about digital isolation, the analogue of ‘CheburNet,’ and the gradual transformation of the country into a controlled information camp cannot be considered an exaggeration. When society agrees to live under conditions of shutdowns, bans, and an increasingly narrow field of the permissible, the authorities draw a logical conclusion: the limit of resistance is lowered. And that means they can go further.
It’s not just the economy being tested.
It’s a test of obedience.
Why the myth of ‘returning to the USSR’ turns into a trap for the Russians themselves
Television romance versus the real model of 1937
A significant part of Russian society has indeed lived for many years with the myth of ‘returning to greatness.’ In this picture, the USSR was presented as a space of strength, military power, large industry, strict discipline, and global fear that supposedly commanded respect from the world. But such a myth always had one fundamental substitution. People dreaming of a ‘great era’ almost never imagine themselves as its victims. They mentally place themselves on the side of the authorities, security forces, party nomenclature, special services, or the punitive system.
Reality is arranged differently. In any system built on coercion, the majority of the population finds itself not in the boss’s chair, but in the role of subordinate material. Not the master of the repressive mechanism, but its raw material. And if modern Russia is indeed moving towards a version of USSR 2.0, then for millions of its citizens, this will mean not a return to the ’empire of winners,’ but a slide into a world where rights are replaced by orders, salary — by a form of dependence, and personal freedom — by the obligation to survive in a state that considers a person an expendable resource.
This paradox is especially noticeable today. Those who have supported the cult of a strong hand, repression, and militarization for years risk being the first to face the same system not as spectators, but as objects of management.
War as a way to gather the country into one big labor camp
For the Israeli reader, another aspect is important here. Russian aggression against Ukraine does not exist separately from internal processes in Russia itself. External war and internal unfreedom feed each other. The deeper the country goes into a military economy, the easier it is for the authorities to explain to society new sacrifices, new restrictions, and new forms of forced labor. The more resources go to the front, the stronger the temptation to tighten the screws inside the country and present it as an inevitability.
That is why the rhetoric about the need to work more, endure longer, and not ask questions does not look like a random set of propaganda theses, but part of the overall architecture. A country living in a state of endless war gradually adjusts civilian life to the military standard. Hence the attempt to turn society into a huge mobilization mechanism, where the factory, barracks, propaganda, and fear begin to work as a single system.
In this context, НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency records not just another ideological shift in Russia, but a more dangerous process: a state destroying Ukrainian cities and lives is simultaneously building within itself a model where repression, overwork, and disenfranchisement are presented as the new norm of national existence.
What this means for Ukraine and the region
Russia is becoming less predictable and more totalitarian
For Ukraine, the conclusion from this picture is quite harsh but understandable. The deeper Russia goes into the model of internal coercion, the less reason there is to expect rational evolution, humanization, or renunciation of aggression from it in the foreseeable future. A country that shapes its own society according to the laws of a camp does not become safer for its neighbors. On the contrary, it more often seeks an external enemy, strengthens militarism, and turns violence into a universal language of internal and external politics.
For Israel, this is also an important signal. The history of the 20th century has too clearly shown how quickly the cult of strength, repression, and total submission can grow into a threat not only to its own population but also to the surrounding world. When unfreedom, labor coercion, suppression, and the cult of the enemy are normalized in a state, it always ceases to be only the internal affair of such a country.
That is why the current transformation of Russia is important not only for the Ukrainian front.
It is important for understanding what type of regime the world will have to deal with in the future.
If the current trajectory continues, Russia will look less and less like an ordinary authoritarian state and more like a closed system of the late imperial type, where the population is held by a mixture of fear, propaganda, war, and social dependence. And in such a case, the conversation is no longer about beautiful myths about ‘returning to the USSR,’ but about a real slide into a model where the state demands not participation from a person, but submission.
“This is my way of saying thank you to G-d that we have food and shelter,”– says Mordechai.
The story of Mordechai Kreuser is a shining example of human solidarity and selflessness. An Israeli citizen who came to Transcarpathia to revive the Jewish community became a savior for thousands of Ukrainian immigrants.
For the third year now, he has been providing them with free kosher meals, bringing light during the difficult times of war.
Mordechai Kreuser came to Mukachevo in 2022 with an ambitious goal: to open a kosher restaurant and breathe new life into the Jewish community. However, Russian aggression changed his plans.
When the war began, Mordechai used his funds to set up charity canteens in Mukachevo, Ivano-Frankivsk and Chernigov.
At the beginning of 2022, about 500 people came to the dining room in the Mukachevo synagogue four times a week, now – 250.
“This is my way of saying thank you to G-d that we have something to eat and a place to sleep. I came here for a different purpose and found myself among hundreds of thousands of people fleeing the war and becoming its victims. I feed the hungry and this is my way to help them.” – says Mordecai.
Help with numbers
At their peak, Kreuser’s canteens fed up to 500 people daily.
City
Number of people (2022)
Number of people (2024)
Mukachevo
500
250
Ivano-Frankivsk
~300
~150
Chernigov
~200
~100
Over time, the number of visitors has declined due to fewer migrants, but the need for hot meals remains high.
Why kosher food?
Kosher dishes are not only a tradition, but also a sign of respect for every person, regardless of their faith.
Features of Mordecai’s cuisine:
Suitable for people of all religions.
Meets strict kosher standards.
It is being prepared with the participation of volunteers, including displaced people.
Volunteer work
The Kreuzer canteen is staffed by four women who are themselves displaced people.
Stories that touch the heart
One of the visitors to the canteen was Nadezhda from Mariupol, who spent 40 days under occupation without food or water. As a result, she lost her sight and hearing.
“These people cook with warmth and kindness. Here I felt that I could live again,” — Nadezhda shares.
Problems and challenges
Today, charity canteens in Ivano-Frankivsk and Chernigov have closed due to lack of funds. However, Mordecai continues to seek support.
“I had a calling from my heart. I cannot remain indifferent, even if the funds are not enough.” – he says.
Kreuzer appeals to wealthy people with a request to open their hearts and support those who are in trouble.
The role of the initiative for relations between Israel and Ukraine
The Mordechai project is not only humanitarian aid, but also an important symbol of cooperation between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples.
Our website NAnews – Israel Newscontinues to tell stories that unite Israel and Ukraine.
Conclusion
Mordechai Kreuser’s initiative demonstrates the power of the human spirit and the potential for uniting peoples. His story is an example of how you can overcome boundaries while supporting those who need it most.
“The war will pass, but the memory of good deeds will remain,” – Mordechai is sure.
Let’s support such initiatives together and make the world a better place.
The history of ties between the Jewish people and Ukraine is amazing and multifaceted.
The contribution of the natives of Ukrainian lands to the development of the Jewish state is reflected even in the symbols of Israel, such as the national currency – the shekel.
Portraits of 8 great personalities born on Ukrainian soil adorn Israeli banknotes, recalling their services in culture, politics and public life.. We invite you to get to know each of these heroes better.
So, Of the 20 outstanding representatives of the Jewish people who have been depicted on Israeli money over time, 8 were born on the territory of modern Ukraine.
1. Chaim Nachman Bialik (1873–1934)
Biography:
Born in the village of Ivnitsa, Volyn province (now Zhitomir region). Chaim Nachman Bialik was a prominent poet, translator and writer, called the “national poet of Israel.” His works contributed to the development of Jewish literature and culture. He was also active in the revival of Hebrew as a modern language. His poems have become a mandatory part of the school curriculum in Israel.
Banknote:
Bialik is depicted on the 10 shekel banknote issued in 1985. The banknote features lines from his poem and illustrations reflecting his literary heritage.
2. Vladimir (Zeev) Jabotinsky (1880–1940)
Biography:
Born in Odessa, Vladimir Jabotinsky was one of the founders of revisionist Zionism. He created the Jewish Legion within the British Army and inspired Jewish youth to fight for independence. In addition, Jabotinsky was a writer, journalist and translator.
Banknote:
Jabotinsky is depicted on the 1998 NIS 100 banknote. His portrait is complemented by symbols of the Zionist movement and lines from his literary works.
3. Lev (Leon) Pinsker (1821–1891)
Biography:
Born in Tomashpol (now Vinnytsia region). Lev Pinsker became one of the ideologists of the Hovevei Zion movement, which laid the foundations of modern Zionism. His work Auto-Emancipation was a manifesto calling on the Jewish people to fight for the creation of their own state.
Banknote:
Pinsker’s image adorns the 20 shekel bill from the 1980s. In the background are pages from his works and symbols of the Hovevei Zion movement.
4. Menachem Usishkin (1863–1941)
Biography:
Born in Dubrovno (now the territory of Belarus, formerly part of the Russian Empire). Usyshkin was the head of the Jewish National Fund and made a huge contribution to the purchase of land for the future of Israel.
Banknote:
Menachem Usishkin is depicted on the 500 shekel banknote from the 1980s. Next to his portrait is a plan of the lands acquired through his efforts and a quote from his speeches.
5. Moshe Sharett (1894–1965)
Biography:
Born in Kherson. Sharett was the second Prime Minister of Israel and one of the leaders of the Zionist movement. His diplomatic efforts played a key role in strengthening the young Jewish state.
Banknote:
Sharett is depicted on the 20 shekel bill from the 1970s. The banknote also depicts the attributes of diplomatic work: documents and a pen, symbolizing his contribution to Israel’s foreign relations.
6. Golda Meir (1898–1978)
Biography:
Born in Kyiv. Golda Meir became Israel’s first female prime minister. Her strong leadership during difficult periods, including the Yom Kippur War, brought her worldwide fame.
Banknote:
Golda Meir’s portrait can be seen on the 10 shekel banknote of 1973. In the background are images symbolizing her political activities, such as government meetings.
7. Yitzhak Ben-Zvi (1884–1963)
Biography:
Born in Poltava. Yitzhak Ben-Zvi became the second President of Israel. He is known as a historian and researcher of the Jewish Diaspora.
Banknote:
His portrait appears on the 100 shekel banknote of the 1980s. The banknote also features illustrations reflecting Ben-Zvi’s cultural explorations.
8. Eliezer Ben-Yehuda (1858–1922)
Biography:
Born in Luzhki (now Belarus, formerly part of the Russian Empire). Ben Yehuda was the founder of modern Hebrew and the author of the first Hebrew dictionary.
Banknote:
His image adorns the 50 shekel note from the 1970s. In the background are pages of a dictionary and fragments of Ben Yehuda’s manuscripts.
Conclusion
Eight great people born on the territory of Ukraine left an indelible mark on the history of Israel. Their images on banknotes are not only a sign of recognition, but also a reminder of how closely the destinies of the two peoples are connected. This unique fact indicates that the contribution of Ukrainian Jews to the development of Israel was and remains significant.
Read more on the website NAnews – Israel Newsto be aware of historical facts that unite our countries.
On October 17, 1880, Vladimir (Zeev) Jabotinsky, an outstanding Jewish public figure, writer, journalist, translator and founder of the Revisionist Zionist movement, was born in Odessa (Ukraine).
Jabotinsky fought for the creation of the state of Israel and favorably viewed the idea of free national and cultural development of any people within a sovereign state.
From an early age he stood out as a gifted student with an interest in languages, literature and social issues. Jabotinsky graduated from educational institutions in Italy and Switzerland, where he studied law and journalism, which later determined his professional career.
Jabotinsky became a famous publicist and writer, whose articles and works attracted the attention of the world community. From an early age, he was actively involved in the political life of the Jewish diaspora and soon became one of the main ideologists of Zionism, a movement that sought to create an independent Jewish state in Palestine.
Revisionist Zionism: Jabotinsky’s Political Struggle
In 1925, Jabotinsky founded the Revisionist Zionist movement, which became a key movement in Jewish political thought at the time. The main ideas of Jabotinsky’s revisionist Zionism included the following principles:
Creation of a Jewish majority on both banks of the Jordan River.
The establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine, built on the principles of justice and morality.
Complete restoration of the Jewish nation in the historical territory of Palestine.
Liquidation of the Jewish Diaspora and repatriation of all Jews wishing to return to their homeland.
Jabotinsky steadfastly defended the view that the national interests of the Jewish people stood above any other personal or group ambitions. He believed that “Palestine” should become the center of Jewish civilization and state.
“Jabotinsky was a man whose ideas fundamentally changed the course of Jewish history, and his legacy remains an integral part of the Israeli political system today.”
Jabotinsky and the Ukrainian national movement
One of the most important episodes of Jabotinsky’s life was his collaboration with Ukrainian nationalists and figures such as Pyotr Struve and Maxim Slavinsky. At the beginning of the 20th century, Jabotinsky actively interacted with representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, supporting the ideas of national self-determination of Ukraine.
Jabotinsky believed that every people has the right to national self-determination, including Ukrainians. In response to Struve’s ideas about a “united Russian nation”, Jabotinsky strongly defended the Ukrainian national movement and published several articles supporting the right of Ukrainians to independence.
Quote from Jabotinsky about Shevchenko:
“He (Shevchenko) gave both his people and the world clear, unshakable proof that the Ukrainian soul is capable of the highest heights of original cultural creativity… Shevchenko will always remain what nature created him: a dazzling precedent that does not allow Ukrainians to deviate from the national path revival.”
Alliance with Maxim Slavinsky: Defense of the Jewish Population
Jabotinsky and Maxim Slavinsky, the UPR ambassador to Czechoslovakia, had a long history of friendship and political cooperation. One of the striking examples of their interaction was the agreement on the creation of the Jewish gendarmerie, concluded in 1921 in Carlsbad. This alliance was aimed at protecting the Jewish population from possible pogroms in territories controlled by the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR).
Quote:
“Zhabotinsky’s cooperation with Ukrainian political figures emphasizes his commitment to the ideas of national freedom and mutual support of peoples.”
Jabotinsky and the State of Israel
Jabotinsky played a vital role in the creation of the State of Israel. His ideology formed the basis for the formation of modern right-wing parties in Israel, such as the Likud party. In 1948, Menachem Begin, a student of Jabotinsky, founded the Herut movement, which became a continuation of his teacher’s political program. Subsequently, Herut turned into Likud, a party that still remains one of the leading political forces in Israel.
The Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv is dedicated to perpetuating the memory and ideas of the great thinker. Also in the building where the Jabotinsky Institute is located is the headquarters of the Likud party. This is a symbolic reminder that Jabotinsky’s ideas are still alive and relevant.
Memory of Jabotinsky:
In Israel, streets in Tel Aviv, Petah Tikva and other cities are named after him.
There is also a street in Kyiv named after Vladimir Zhabotinsky.
Jabotinsky’s ashes were transferred to Jerusalem in 1964, according to his will, and buried on Mount Herzl, which symbolized his deep commitment to the creation of a Jewish state.
Political struggle and confrontation with Nazi Germany
With Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in Germany in 1933, Jabotinsky became one of the main supporters of the idea of a worldwide boycott of German goods. He categorically opposed cooperation with the Nazi regime and criticized the agreement between the Jewish Agency and the German government, which concerned the repatriation of German Jews to Palestine.
Quote from Jabotinsky about Petlyura:
“I grew up with them, together with them I fought against anti-Semites and Russifiers – Jewish and Ukrainian. Neither I nor the rest of the thinking Zionists in the south of Russia will be convinced that people of this type can be considered anti-Semitic.”
Personal legacy of Jabotinsky
The personality of Vladimir Jabotinsky has become an important part of not only Jewish, but also world history. His works and ideas had a profound influence on the development of both Israeli and Ukrainian culture and politics. His biography reflects the struggle for freedom, equality and independence that continues to inspire generations of politicians and public figures.
Key points in Jabotinsky’s biography:
Life period
Events and achievements
1880
Born in Odessa, Russian Empire
1900s
Became a journalist, writer, active political figure in the Jewish and Ukrainian movements
1925
Founded Revisionist Zionism and the movement that demanded the creation of a Jewish state
1935
Created the “New Zionist Organization” with the goal of forming a Jewish majority on both banks of the Jordan
1940
Died in New York.
1964
Reburial of Jabotinsky’s ashes in Jerusalem, on Mount Herzl, according to his will
Modernity
The Jabotinsky Institute in Tel Aviv, streets in Israel and Kyiv, memorials, memory of his contribution to the creation of the State of Israel
Jabotinsky in modern culture
The name of Vladimir Jabotinsky is widely immortalized in Israel and beyond. Streets, institutions, and many monuments are named after him, highlighting his enormous contribution to the creation and development of the State of Israel.
Jabotinsky remains a symbol of the struggle for national interests, freedom and dignity of all peoples with whom he interacted throughout his life.
Quote from NAnews:
“Jabotinsky was not only the creator of revisionist Zionism, but also a passionate supporter of the ideas of freedom and justice that continue to inspire modern politicians.”
In the section “Jews from Ukraine” — the story of Ephraim Moses Lilien, an artist from Drohobych, who is called the first Zionist artist. His journey took him through Galicia, Krakow, Munich, Berlin, Basel, and Jerusalem, and his graphics helped the Jewish national movement find its own visual language.
A Jew from Drohobych who became an artist of national revival
Ephraim Moses Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — a city in Galicia, which was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Today it is the Lviv region of Ukraine. At birth, his name is also indicated as Maurycy Lilien. He died on July 18, 1925, in Badenweiler, Germany, but between these two dates, he managed to travel a path that connected Ukrainian Galicia, European modernism, Jewish culture, Zionism, and the future Israel.
For the section “Jews from Ukraine” Lilien is an almost ideal hero. His biography shows that Jewish history on Ukrainian lands is not only about shtetls, synagogues, pogroms, wars, and tragedies of the 20th century. It is also a powerful contribution to world art, European graphics, the culture of the Jewish national movement, and the visual language without which early Zionism would look different.
He was not born in Jerusalem, Berlin, or Vienna. His first point on the map was Drohobych.
Jews from Ukraine: Ephraim Moses Lilien, from Ukrainian Drohobych, through ‘Theodor Herzl in Basel, 1901’ to ‘the first Zionist artist’
It was from this city that the man later called “the first Zionist artist” emerged. This definition does not mean that there were no artists among Jews before him. It means something else: Lilien was one of the first to turn the idea of Jewish national revival into recognizable images — prophets, exiles, heroes, farmers, people who look not only back to the past but also forward to the future.
Drohobych was not an accidental backdrop. Galicia at the end of the 19th century was a complex space where Ukrainian, Jewish, Polish, German-speaking, and Austrian cultural environments coexisted. Here, a talented person could hear different languages, see different religious traditions, and early understand that identity is not a flat scheme but a whole world.
Later, Drohobych will be associated with Bruno Schulz, the Gottlieb brothers, and other names important for European and Jewish memory. Lilien occupies a special place in this row: he became not only an artist of his city or his time but also one of those who helped the Jewish people see themselves in a new historical image.
From a sign maker to European modernism and Zionism
Ukrainian period: Drohobych, Lviv, Krakow, and Lilien’s first steps
Ephraim Moses Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — then it was Galicia as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, today the Lviv region of Ukraine. In the Ukrainian context, this is fundamental: his first cultural environment was precisely Galician, Drohobych, multinational.
He grew up in a poor Jewish family.
According to Ukrainian sources, Lilien’s father was a craftsman, a carver, or a turner. The family did not have money for a full gymnasium, so the future artist received primary education in a Jewish real school. It was already clear then that he had artistic abilities.
His first practical skills were not acquired in an academy but in a craft.
Young Lilien worked as an apprentice to a master who dealt with signs and shields. This is an important detail: his path to art began not with salons but with applied urban graphics — letters, lines, decorative forms, signs, the visual language of the street. Later, the sense of line and poster expressiveness would become one of the strong sides of his style.
In 1889, at about 15 years old, Lilien went to study at the Krakow School / Academy of Arts. There he studied painting and graphic techniques until 1893, including under Jan Matejko, one of the greatest artists of the Polish historical school. This stage is still connected with the Galician cultural space: Krakow was then an important artistic center for youth from Galicia.
Due to a lack of money, studies were not calm and continuous. Encyclopedic materials note that financial difficulties forced Lilien to return home and earn as a sign artist.
According to the “Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine,” in 1892–1894, he worked in Drohobych, and later he repeatedly visited and worked in Lviv — in 1894, 1899–1905, 1911, 1914, and 1923.
Thus, Lilien’s Ukrainian period is not only a fact of birth in Drohobych.
It is childhood in Jewish Galicia, early craft school, first earnings, studies in the Krakow artistic environment, and constant returns to the Lviv-Drohobych region. Only later will there be Munich, Berlin, Basel, Herzl, “Bezalel,” and Jerusalem. But the basis of his view — the urban line, Jewish memory, Galician multilingualism, and the sense of cultural borderland — was formed precisely here.
This biography is similar to the path of many talented people from Galicia: first a provincial town, then a craft, then an art school, then major European centers. But Lilien did not dissolve in the European environment. On the contrary, it was there that he turned the Jewish theme into a modern artistic language.
He worked in the aesthetics of Art Nouveau, or Jugendstil — European modernism at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. It was a style of decorative line, symbols, elongated figures, ornaments, strong black-and-white contrast, and almost musical rhythm of composition. But for Lilien, modernism was not just a beautiful form. Through it, he spoke of Jewish memory, exile, biblical past, national dignity, and hope for return.
His graphics were distinguished by a special tension. There was little accidental in them. The line could be soft and decorative, but the meaning often remained heavy: slavery, longing, expectation, spiritual resilience, the movement of people through history.
Lilien became known primarily as a book graphic artist, illustrator, and master of print graphics. His works existed not only in exhibition space. They appeared in books, magazines, albums, postcards, public projects — that is, they became part of mass visual memory. That is why his influence turned out to be broader than that of an artist working only for galleries.
How Lilien came to Zionism: Berlin, 1900, and the people around him
Lilien came to Zionism not through a party career but through the artistic and Jewish intellectual environment.
After studying in Krakow, Vienna, and Munich, he moved to Berlin in 1894. By the late 1890s, Lilien was already known in Berlin’s artistic and bohemian circles as a master of ex-libris, book, and magazine illustrator. At the same time, interest in the idea of “Jewish renaissance” — cultural renewal, which went alongside political Zionism, was growing in the German-speaking Jewish environment.
A key turning point was 1900 when the book “Juda” was published. The texts for it were written by the German poet Börries von Münchhausen, and the illustrations were created by Lilien. This book made him a notable figure among cultural Zionists: in it, Jewish antiquity was shown not as a museum past but as a source of strength, dignity, and national future.
It was after “Juda” that Lilien began to be actively perceived as an artist who could give the Jewish national movement its own visual language. His works were highly appreciated by representatives of cultural Zionism, including the circle of Martin Buber. Buber and cultural Zionists close to him saw in Lilien an artist capable of combining European modernism with the Jewish national idea.
An important figure next to Lilien was also Berthold Feiwel — a publicist, editor, one of the active figures of the Zionist movement. He was connected with circles where not only Herzl’s politics were discussed but also the need for new Jewish culture, literature, and art. Through such an environment, Lilien found himself not on the periphery but at the very center of cultural Zionism.
The next important date is 1901. Lilien participated in the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel and joined the democratic-Zionist faction. It was there that he created the famous image of Theodor Herzl on the balcony of the Les Trois Rois hotel. This portrait became one of the visual icons of political Zionism.
Thus, Lilien’s connection with Zionism became obvious. He was not a politician like Herzl and was not an organizer of the movement in the usual sense. His role was different: he made Zionism visible. Herzl gave the movement a program and a political dream, and Lilien gave this dream a face, a line, a symbol, and emotional strength.
In 1903, another important publication was released — “Lieder des Ghetto” / “Songs of the Ghetto” by Morris Rosenfeld with illustrations by Lilien. These images of poverty, exile, pain, and hope were also used in Zionist visual culture. Through them, Lilien showed the old Jewish world but at the same time hinted at the need to escape humiliation and return to dignity.
A logical continuation was the work with Boris Schatz. In 1904, Lilien, together with him, engaged in the idea of creating a Jewish art school in Jerusalem. In 1905, a society related to the future “Bezalel” project was created in Berlin, and in 1906, Lilien, together with Schatz, came to Jerusalem, helped open the school, taught the first class, and participated in forming its visual direction.
Therefore, Lilien’s path to Zionism can be shown as follows:
1894 — Berlin: entry into Jewish artistic and intellectual circles.
1900 — “Juda”: the first major work after which he began to be perceived as an artist of Jewish national revival.
1901 — Basel: Fifth Zionist Congress, democratic-Zionist faction, famous image of Herzl.
1903 — “Songs of the Ghetto”: visual language of Jewish pain, exile, and hope.
1904–1906 — Boris Schatz and “Bezalel”: transition from European Zionist graphics to an attempt to create Jewish art in Jerusalem.
Thus, it becomes clear that Lilien did not “accidentally find himself next to Zionism.” He entered it through Berlin, through the circles of cultural Zionism, through Martin Buber, Berthold Feiwel, Boris Schatz, through the book “Juda,” the Basel Congress, and the image of Herzl. His contribution was not political but visual: he helped Zionism see itself.
Why Lilien is called the first Zionist artist
At the end of the 19th — beginning of the 20th century, Zionism was not only a political movement. It needed a language. Not only the language of speeches, programs, and congresses but also the language of images. What does Jewish return look like? How to present Zion to a person who has never seen Eretz-Israel? How to show not only the suffering of exile but also the dignity of a people who want to become the subject of their own history again?
Lilien gave this movement a strong visual form.
The National Library of Israel directly calls him “the first Zionist artist.” Materials about him emphasize that his turn to Zionist art is associated with the Fifth Zionist Congress.
It is important to understand: he did not “create Zionism.” Zionism as a political movement had its leaders, ideologists, organizers, congresses, and institutions. But Lilien helped make Zionism visible. He gave it faces, lines, symbols, poses, biblical depth, and modern artistic energy.
In his works, the Jew was no longer just an image of an exile or a victim. He could be a prophet, a warrior, a farmer, a thinker, a builder of the future. This was fundamentally important for an era when the Jewish national movement was trying to create a new image of itself.
In this sense, Lilien worked not just as an illustrator. He worked as an artist of national imagination.
Herzl in Basel: a portrait that became almost an icon
The most famous visual episode in Lilien’s biography is associated with Theodor Herzl.
In 1901, during the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel, Lilien made the famous image of Herzl on the balcony of the Les Trois Rois hotel. Herzl stands by the railing and looks into the distance, at the Rhine. This photograph became one of the most recognizable images of political Zionism. The Jewish Museum of Switzerland describes it as a postcard with a reproduction of Ephraim Moses Lilien’s photograph “Theodor Herzl in Basel, 1901“.
Jews from Ukraine: Ephraim Moses Lilien, from Ukrainian Drohobych, through ‘Theodor Herzl in Basel, 1901’ to ‘the first Zionist artist’
The strength of this portrait is not only that it depicts Herzl. The strength is in the composition. He looks not like an ordinary congress participant but like a person looking into the future. In this image, there is loneliness, a prophetic pose, anxiety, and confidence at the same time.
And here it is important to remember: one of the main visual symbols of the Zionist movement is associated with an artist from Drohobych.
Lilien did not just press the camera button. He knew how to see the symbol. He understood how to create an image of an era from a real person. That is why Herzl on the balcony became more than a portrait. It became a visual formula for the dream of a Jewish future.
There is another important detail. Lilien often used Herzl’s features as a model for the image of the “new Jew.” In Herzl, he saw not only a politician but also a type of face that could be turned into an artistic sign of national revival.
Main works of Lilien: from “Juda” to “Songs of the Ghetto”
Lilien is known not for one work. His legacy includes book graphics, biblical illustrations, Zionist symbols, photographs, portraits, and projects related to Jewish culture at the beginning of the 20th century.
“Juda”: ancient history as an image of the future
One of Lilien’s key works was the 1900 edition of Juda — a book of ballads on Old Testament themes by the German poet Börries von Münchhausen with illustrations by Lilien. Encyclopedic sources note that it was this project that helped turn him into one of the main artists of the Zionist theme; the Israel Museum writes that the illustrations for this book almost immediately made Lilien an outstanding Zionist artist.
Why is this important?
Because in Juda, the ancient history of Israel was presented not as a dead past. It looked like a source of strength. Biblical characters in Lilien’s work were not museum figures. They were strong, monumental, almost modern. In them, a reader at the beginning of the 20th century could see not only a religious plot but also a national idea.
This was an important step: Jewish antiquity became the language of the future.
“Lieder des Ghetto”: the pain of exile and the dignity of the people
Another important project is Lieder des Ghetto, or “Songs of the Ghetto,” illustrations for the German translation of poems by Morris Rosenfeld. This cycle became one of the most famous in Lilien’s legacy. It features themes of poverty, labor, exile, suffering, social pain, and hope.
For the Ukrainian context, there is an additional bridge here. Morris Rosenfeld was a Jewish poet writing in Yiddish, and Ivan Franko translated his texts into Ukrainian. Therefore, around “Songs of the Ghetto,” an amazing cultural connection arises: Jewish poetry, a world-class Ukrainian translator, and an artist from Drohobych who creates strong visual images for these motifs.
This does not mean that Franko and Lilien worked together on one project. But it shows how close intellectual and artistic intersections could be in the Eastern European Jewish-Ukrainian space.
Biblical illustrations: the past as the energy of return
Lilien worked a lot with biblical plots. He was interested in prophets, patriarchs, exodus, land, exile, struggle, spiritual mission. In such works, he did not just illustrate the text. He created an image of Jewish history as a continuous line leading from antiquity to modern national awakening.
Researchers note that in Lilien’s biblical graphics, the past is often presented as majestic and alive, resonating with the ideas of spiritual and artistic revival.
In his work, a biblical hero could look like a person already belonging to the modern world. This was Lilien’s special strength: he did not leave Jewish history in the past. He translated it into the language of his time.
Images worth remembering
Among the well-known works and motifs of Lilien, “The Queen of Sabbath,” “The Silent Song,” “Zion,” images of the victims of the Kishinev pogrom, biblical scenes with Abraham, Joshua, Balaam, and other characters are often mentioned. In these works, it is visible how the artist combined the decorativeness of modernism with heavy historical memory.
His art was beautiful but not easy.
Lilien and “Bezalel”: from Drohobych to Jerusalem
Another important chapter is Lilien’s connection with Jerusalem and the “Bezalel” art school.
In 1906, he, together with Boris Schatz, was involved in the creation of the “Bezalel” Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem. The National Library of Israel notes Lilien’s participation in the trip to Eretz-Israel with Schatz and associates him with the school’s emblem.
Yes, his stay in Jerusalem was not long. But even short participation had symbolic significance. Lilien found himself next to one of the first institutional projects of Jewish art education in Eretz-Israel.
This was a path that beautifully fits into one line: Drohobych gave him a start, Krakow and Munich — a school, Berlin — an artistic scene, Basel — a Zionist symbol, Jerusalem — a connection with future Israeli art.
For the Israeli audience, this line is especially important. Lilien was not just a “Jewish artist from Europe.” He was one of those who helped form the visual ground on which the art of Eretz-Israel and Israel later developed.
Ukrainian trace: why Lilien is important not only to Israel
In the Ukrainian perspective, Lilien is important as part of the multinational heritage of Galicia.
He was born on the territory of modern Ukraine. His early environment — Drohobych, Galicia, the Jewish community, the Austro-Hungarian cultural world. His path shows that Ukrainian land gave the world people who influenced not only local history but also world culture.
Such biographies are especially important today when Ukraine is rethinking its own complex memory. Russian propaganda has been trying for decades to simplify Ukrainian history, presenting it as flat, secondary, or artificial. But stories like Lilien’s biography show the opposite: Ukraine was and remains a space of many cultural lines.
Here lived and created Ukrainians, Jews, Poles, Armenians, Greeks, Germans, Crimean Tatars, and other peoples. Their heritage does not cancel Ukrainian identity. On the contrary, it shows its depth.
Lilien is not a “foreign” figure for Ukrainian memory. He is a Jewish artist from Drohobych, a son of Galicia, a person whose biography connects a Ukrainian city with Berlin, Basel, and Jerusalem.
For NANovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, such stories are especially important because they help see Ukrainian-Israeli connections not only through diplomacy, war, and politics but also through a deeper layer — memory, culture, art, family roots, and the shared history of the Jewish people in Ukraine.
Lilien, Franko, Lesya Ukrainka: invisible cultural threads
In recent years, Lilien’s name in Ukraine is increasingly spoken of not only as a Zionist artist but also as a figure that can be placed alongside Ukrainian intellectual pursuits at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries.
Here an interesting connection arises: Lilien, Ivan Franko, Lesya Ukrainka.
At first glance, these are different worlds. Franko — a Ukrainian writer, thinker, translator, and public figure. Lesya Ukrainka — one of the key figures of Ukrainian literature, author of dramatic and poetic texts about freedom, strength of spirit, captivity, dignity, and resistance. Lilien — a Jewish graphic artist associated with modernism and Zionism.
But if you look deeper, there are indeed “invisible threads” between them.
All three lived in an era when the peoples of Eastern Europe were searching for the language of their own dignity. All three worked differently with themes of freedom, national awakening, historical memory, spiritual strength, and resistance to humiliation. For Franko, it was word and thought. For Lesya Ukrainka — dramatic energy and inner freedom. For Lilien — line, image, symbol, the face of a new person.
It is especially interesting that Lilien and Franko meet through the theme of Morris Rosenfeld. Lilien illustrated “Songs of the Ghetto,” and Franko translated Rosenfeld into Ukrainian. This is one of those cultural bridges that are rarely visible in school textbooks but are important for understanding the true depth of the Ukrainian-Jewish space.
What image of a Jew did Lilien create
Before the era of Zionism, European art often depicted Jews through an outsider’s view. These could be stereotypes, religious caricatures, images of poverty, alienation, or exoticism. Lilien offered a different image.
In his work, the Jew is not an object of someone else’s observation but a subject of his own history.
He can suffer but does not disappear. He can be an exile but does not lose dignity. He can remember destruction but look forward. He is connected with the Bible but does not get stuck in the past. He is modern, strong, beautiful, tragic, and aimed at return.
This is the essence of his Zionist graphics.
Lilien did an important thing: he visually restored the dignity of the Jewish body, the Jewish face, the Jewish memory. His heroes often look monumental. They possess a strength that was so lacking in European stereotypes of the ‘weak’ or ‘landless’ Jew.
Therefore, his works were important not only as art. They participated in the creation of a new self-perception.
Why Lilien is important for Israel today
For Israel, Ephraim Moshe Lilien is part of the early cultural history of Zionism. He lived before the creation of the State of Israel but worked with images that helped make this future imaginable, visible, and emotionally convincing.
Herzl gave Zionism a political language. Congress organizers gave it structure. Settlers and builders gave it practical form on the ground. And artists like Lilien gave it a face.
Without images, a national movement remains a program. With images, it becomes part of memory.
That is why Lilien is important not only to art historians. He is important to everyone who wants to understand how the Jewish idea of return became not only a text but also a picture, a symbol, a postcard, an emblem, an illustration, a portrait.
He is also important because his biography reminds us: part of Israel’s cultural roots pass through the cities of modern Ukraine — through Drohobych, Lviv, Odessa, Chernivtsi, Kyiv, Zhytomyr, Uman, Berdychiv, and many other places.
Why Lilien is important for Ukraine today
For Ukraine, Lilien is part of a reclaimed memory.
For a long time, many Jewish names associated with Ukrainian cities were perceived separately: as the history of ‘Jews of Eastern Europe,’ but not as part of the Ukrainian cultural landscape. Today, such an approach no longer works. If a person was born in Drohobych, studied, formed in the Galician environment, absorbed its multilingualism, and then influenced world art, it is impossible to erase him from the Ukrainian cultural map.
Lilien helps Ukraine speak about itself more honestly and deeply.
Not as a monotonous territory where there was only one line of history, but as a complex European space where different peoples created a common cultural fabric. This is especially important during the war when Ukraine defends not only its territory but also its right to its own memory.
Russia tries to destroy Ukrainian cities, erase archives, kill people, destroy cultural symbols, and impose an imperial version of the past. In response, Ukraine reclaims names, places, languages, and destinies that prove: its history is much richer than any imperial schemes.
Ephraim Moshe Lilien is one of those names.
Finale: an artist from Ukraine who helped the Jewish people see themselves
Ephraim Moshe Lilien lived only 51 years. But his path turned out to be surprisingly rich. He was born in Drohobych, went through European art schools, became a master of modernism, joined the circle of Jewish intellectuals and Zionists, created iconic illustrations, photographed Herzl in Basel, and was connected with the artistic beginnings of Jerusalem.
He was called the first Zionist artist not because he was the only one. But because he was one of the first to give the Jewish national revival a coherent artistic image.
Lilien helped the Jewish people see themselves not only through the pain of exile but also through dignity, beauty, strength, memory, and hope.
And in this, there is a special Ukrainian note. One of the artists who created the face of early Zionism was born in Ukrainian Drohobych. His line went from Galicia to Basel and Jerusalem. Therefore, his name rightfully belongs to several stories at once — Jewish, Ukrainian, European, and Israeli.
For the section ‘Jews from Ukraine‘, Ephraim Moshe Lilien is not just the biography of an outstanding artist. It is proof that Ukrainian land gave the Jewish world people who changed not only the culture of their time but also how an entire people envisioned their own future.
Man-bridge: Drohobych — Berlin — Basel — Jerusalem — Braunschweig
The biography of Ephraim Moshe Lilien is most accurately described not by a straight line ‘Drohobych — Jerusalem,’ but by a route through several cultural centers: Drohobych, Berlin, Basel, Jerusalem, and Braunschweig.
Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — then it was Galicia within Austria-Hungary, today the Lviv region of Ukraine. It was there that the path of the artist began, who would later become one of the main visual authors of early Zionism.
After his first steps in the craft and studies in Krakow, his road went through Vienna, Munich, and Berlin. In 1894, Lilien moved to Berlin, where he became known as a book graphic artist, illustrator, photographer, and master of modernism.
A key date is 1901. During the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel, Lilien created the famous image of Theodor Herzl on the balcony of the hotel Les Trois Rois. This portrait became one of the visual icons of political Zionism.
In 1906, Lilien found himself in Jerusalem and was associated with the early history of the Bezalel School of Arts, created by Boris Schatz. He did not just ‘visit’ Eretz Israel: Lilien participated in launching a new Jewish art school, taught the first class, helped set its visual direction, and, according to the National Library of Israel, created the design of the Bezalel emblem.
His task was not only pedagogical. Lilien helped connect biblical plots, the Zionist idea of return, and the language of European modernism. Through him, early Bezalel received not just a curriculum but an artistic idea: Jewish art should speak of the past but look to the future.
In Eretz Israel, he also worked as a photographer. In 1906, Lilien photographed Jerusalem, the country’s inhabitants, types, and scenes around the new school: among the known subjects are a Yemenite Jew, Samaritan high priest Amram ben Yitzhak, an Arab figure in an abaya, as well as the Bezalel drawing class. This is important: Lilien looked at the country not only as a Zionist artist but also as a visual witness of the era.
However, Jerusalem did not become his permanent home. Already in 1907, Lilien returned to Berlin but continued to visit Palestine. Sources usually indicate that between 1906 and 1918 he was there four times. One of the subsequent trips was related to World War I: Lilien served in the Austrian military press corps as a war photographer.
In the same 1906, he married Helene Magnus from a Jewish family in Braunschweig. Therefore, after his death on July 18, 1925, in Badenweiler, Lilien was buried not in Jerusalem but in the Jewish cemetery in Braunschweig.
Drohobych gave him roots, Europe — an artistic language, Basel — a place next to Herzl, Jerusalem — a connection with Bezalel, and Braunschweig became the last point of his earthly journey.
Ephraim Moshe Lilien is buried in the New Jewish Cemetery in Braunschweig, Germany, next to his wife Helene. His tombstone is made based on his own illustration ‘Cemetery’ / ‘Friedhof’ for Morris Rosenfeld’s book ‘Lieder des Ghetto.’ In this illustration, Lilien depicted a tombstone with his name in advance — and after his death, this artistic image was brought to reality.
The UN for the first time officially included Russian armed and security forces in the annual list of parties suspected of committing or being responsible for sexual violence in armed conflict. This is mentioned in the latest report of the UN Secretary-General on conflict-related sexual violence, where a separate section is dedicated to the Ukrainian block and crimes against prisoners of war and civilian detainees.
For Ukraine, this is not just another line in an international document. It is a confirmation of what Kyiv, human rights activists, former prisoners, families of detainees, and the Ukrainian Ombudsman Dmytro Lubinets have been saying for years: sexual violence in the Russian detention system is used not as an accidental ‘excess’ but as a form of torture, humiliation, and pressure.
According to the data presented in the report, the UN was able to verify 310 cases of conflict-related sexual violence against Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilian detainees. These cases concern both the territory of Russia and the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. Most of the victims, according to the report, are men.
Why this wording is important for Ukraine and Israel
For the Israeli audience, this news has several levels. The first is human: it concerns violence against prisoners and civilians, closed places of detention, and torture, which is often difficult to prove precisely because the perpetrators control access, documents, witnesses, and the survivors themselves.
The second level is legal. Inclusion in the UN list does not replace a court and is not a verdict. But it is an important international signal: the UN system recognizes that the collected data indicates a persistent pattern, not isolated episodes.
The third level is political. For years, Russia has been trying to sell the world its version of the war, where it supposedly ‘protects’ people. But such reports undermine the main element of this construction — the moral mask. When an international document talks about sexual violence against prisoners and civilians, the conversation can no longer be reduced to diplomatic formulations.
What exactly does the Ukrainian Ombudsman say
Dmytro Lubinets called the inclusion of Russian armed and security forces in the UN list an important international recognition of the responsibility of the Russian Federation for such crimes. He emphasized that this is not about isolated cases, but about a deliberate practice of torture, psychological terror, and humiliation of Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilians.
The Ombudsman also stated the need for immediate and unhindered access of the International Committee of the Red Cross and UN missions to all places of detention of Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilians.
This is a key point. As long as international structures cannot regularly access Russian prisons, colonies, pre-trial detention centers, and unofficial places of detention, the full picture remains hidden. The UN directly points out that Russian authorities systematically restrict access to international monitoring mechanisms, and this hinders establishing the real scale of the crimes.
A detail that cannot be overlooked: most of the victims are men
In the topic of sexual violence in war, public attention often automatically focuses on women and children. This is understandable, but the Ukrainian case shows a broader and more severe picture.
In Russian places of detention, sexualized violence, according to human rights activists and UN structures, was also used against men — primarily against prisoners of war, civilian hostages, people whom the occupying forces perceived as a threat or as carriers of Ukrainian identity. This may involve torture, threats, forced stripping, humiliation, and other forms of violence aimed not only at the body but also at the psyche of a person.
For Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this topic is also important because in Israel they well understand the value of testimonies, documents, and international documentation of crimes. If a crime is not named, it is easier to deny. If it is not investigated, it becomes part of a system of impunity.
Why 310 cases is not the final number
The number 310 does not indicate the full scale. These are only the cases that the UN was able to verify according to its standards.
In reality, there may be many more such episodes. The reasons are obvious: closed access to detainees, fear of victims, stigma, lack of contact with families, movement of people between institutions, and the refusal of the Russian side to allow international observers to places where such crimes could occur.
That is why the Ukrainian side demands not only political statements but also practical steps: pressure on Russia, access to prisoners, documentation, information exchange, and further bringing the perpetrators to justice.
What should follow next
The mere inclusion in the UN ‘blacklist’ does not automatically stop the crimes. It creates a basis for further pressure.
Now the question is whether international institutions can move from documentation to action: seeking access to places of detention, expanding investigation mechanisms, supporting survivors, transferring evidence to future court proceedings, and not allowing Russia to hide crimes behind the closed doors of its penitentiary and security system.
For Ukraine, this is part of a broader struggle for the truth about the war. For Israel, it is a reminder that war crimes, terror against civilians, violence against prisoners, and attempts to erase human dignity should not become a ‘gray zone’ of world politics.
This is where diplomatic language ends. What remains is a simple question: will international recognition be followed by accountability.
The report by UN Secretary-General António Guterres, presented to Security Council members on May 28, 2026, was not just another conflict with the international organization for Israel. For the first time, Israeli security forces were included in the annual list of entities that, according to the UN, are involved in sexual violence in conflict zones.
Already on May 29, 2026, the details of the document became one of the notable topics in the Israeli news agenda. The reason is clear: in the same list with Hamas, ISIS, the armies of Sudan, Somalia, and Russia, the IDF, the Israel Prison Service — SHABAS, and the special border police unit YAMAM are now named.
For Israeli society, this is a painful and explosive issue. Israel has been seeking international recognition of Hamas’s sexual crimes on October 7, 2023, and the subsequent violence against hostages for almost three years. Now the UN is forming a picture in which accusations are already directed at Israeli structures.
What exactly does the UN report of May 28, 2026, claim
The report states that Israeli security forces are responsible for sexual crimes against Palestinian prisoners and detainees. The authors of the document separately claim that a ‘culture of impunity’ has taken root within the system, and the guilty are allegedly not held fully accountable.
According to UN data for 2025, the organization’s human rights structures verified 31 cases of sexual violence in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
These cases are unevenly distributed over time. According to the UN, 13 incidents relate to 2025. Another 18 cases were recorded in the period 2023–2024, that is, after the start of the war that began after Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023.
Among the victims named in the report are 14 men, 7 women, 9 boys, and 1 girl. It is also claimed that Palestinian journalists and human rights activists became victims.
What violations does the document describe
The UN describes not one type of violence, but a whole chain of actions: sexual threats, forced nudity, unjustified invasive searches, infliction of injuries, gang rapes, and rapes with foreign objects.
The document also mentions cases of shooting at genital organs.
For Israel, this is an especially heavy part of the report. Such formulations instantly go beyond internal investigation and become material for international political, legal, and media pressure.
Where, according to the UN, did the crimes occur
The list of places where, according to the UN, crimes could have occurred includes the Sde Teiman military base, the Etzion territorial brigade detention center, and the Gush Etzion police station.
The report also mentions SHABAS prisons: Megiddo, Ofer, Ramla, HaSharon, Shita, Nafha, and Damon.
It separately mentions checkpoints and security operations in the West Bank. This is an important detail: the accusations are not limited to closed prison facilities. The UN essentially claims that the problem could manifest in various points of the detention, inspection, and holding system for Palestinians.
Why did Sde Teiman become the central symbol of accusations
One of the main episodes in the report was the Sde Teiman camp. Even before the publication of the current document, heavy accusations of mistreatment of Palestinian prisoners after the start of the war arose around it.
The authors of the report refer to an investigation in which, they claim, there were video recordings, medical evidence, and data on severe rectal injuries. However, the prosecution, as stated in the material, did not include articles on sexual violence or rape in the indictment.
The key date here is March 2026.
It was then that the criminal prosecution of the military personnel for this episode was completely terminated. For the UN Independent Investigative Commission, this became one of the main arguments in favor of the thesis of a ‘culture of impunity’.
For Israel, the situation looks different. In Jerusalem, it is traditionally emphasized that the army and state structures operate in conditions of war against a terrorist organization, and legal decisions should be made based on evidence, not international pressure.
But this is where the main conflict of interpretations begins. The UN speaks of a systemic problem. Israel speaks of an attempt to create a false symmetry between the state army and terrorists.
How does the B’Tselem report from January 2026 fit into this picture
In January 2026, the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem published an update to its large July 2024 study ‘Welcome to Hell’. This report was dedicated to the situation of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli prisons and military detention centers from October 2023 to early January 2026.
The main conclusion of the human rights activists was extremely harsh: they claimed that Israeli civilian and military penitentiary institutions were turned into a ‘network of torture camps’.
The report spoke of prisoner deaths, harsh interrogations, medical negligence, deprivation of water, poor nutrition, a scabies epidemic, tight plastic handcuffs, and cases of severe injuries that, according to human rights activists, sometimes led to amputations.
In the middle of this story, it is important to see not only the diplomatic scandal but also the internal Israeli context. NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such topics precisely through this complex framework: Hamas’s crimes on October 7, 2023, cannot be erased, but accusations against Israeli state structures cannot be reduced to slogans and mutual accusations.
Israel’s reaction: a dispute not only about facts but also about the moral framework
Official Jerusalem reacted sharply. The Israeli Foreign Ministry stated that the actions of the UN Secretary-General are a ‘cynical attempt’ to create a false and artificial symmetry between the actions of a legitimate state army and the real, documented sexual atrocities of Hamas terrorists.
This is Israel’s central argument.
From the Israeli side’s point of view, including the IDF, SHABAS, and YAMAM in the same list with Hamas and ISIS destroys the moral boundary between a state fighting after the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust and a terrorist movement that on October 7, 2023, killed, raped, kidnapped, and mocked civilians.
The UN, in turn, builds the document on a different logic. It is not about comparing ideologies, goals, or the nature of the parties, but about the category of crimes — sexual violence in armed conflict conditions.
That is why the dispute around the report is so sharp. Israel sees it as a political attack and an attempt to equate the victim with the terrorist. The UN claims to record specific violations, regardless of who commits them.
January 2025: why Pramila Patten’s visit failed
The report also mentions another important date — January 2025. Then the repeat visit of the UN Secretary-General’s special representative Pramila Patten failed.
This is not an accidental figure in this story. Previously, Patten participated in preparing a key report where facts of sexual violence by Hamas on October 7, 2023, were recognized. She then planned to continue the investigation, including the treatment of Palestinian prisoners.
However, according to the data presented, Israeli authorities did not grant her access to Palestinian detention facilities.
For Israel, such a refusal could be part of a policy of distrust towards UN structures, which have long been accused of bias in Jerusalem. For the UN, this became an obstacle to the investigation and another argument in favor of the conclusion about the system’s closed nature.
What does freezing contacts with Guterres mean
After the first leaks on Israeli resources ynet and The Jerusalem Post, Jerusalem’s reaction followed quickly. Israel’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Danny Danon, along with the Foreign Ministry, announced a complete freeze of contacts with António Guterres.
The Israeli side made it clear that official contacts with the Secretary-General’s structures will be suspended until the end of his term and the appointment of a new UN head.
This is no longer just an informational scandal. It is a diplomatic rupture within already strained relations between Israel and the UN.
A separate layer of the problem is the data on the number of Palestinians in Israeli prisons. According to the information provided in the material, despite the release of 1,968 Palestinians as part of the October deal with Hamas, over 9,000 people remain in Israeli prisons. About 4,000 of them are held under administrative detention without charges.
These figures increase international interest in the topic of prisons and detention centers.
The more closed the system, the more suspicions arise among human rights structures. The harsher the UN reports sound, the sharper Israel responds, reminding of Hamas, October 7, hostages, and the long-standing bias of international organizations.
The final conclusion here is unpleasant for all parties. Israel finds itself in a situation where it simultaneously has to defend its army, argue with the UN, respond to accusations about prisons, and not allow the world to forget Hamas’s sexual crimes on October 7, 2023.
The report of May 28, 2026, is important for this reason. It became not just another document of an international organization, but part of a large war for the moral framework: who has the right to speak on behalf of the law, where the line between self-defense and abuse of power lies, and why even in a war against terrorists, the state system cannot afford to lose accountability.
The decline in the dollar exchange rate unexpectedly turned the summer of 2026 into a window of opportunity for Israelis planning a vacation abroad. Flights, accommodation, shopping, and daily expenses abroad may become noticeably cheaper than in the previous season.
But it is at this moment that great uncertainty arises again around Ben Gurion Airport.
Amid preparations for a possible agreement between the US and Iran, restrictions on airport operations, and the presence of American military aircraft in Israel, some air traffic may face serious disruptions. According to estimates reported by Israeli media, about two million Israelis could potentially receive notifications of flight cancellations if Ben Gurion cannot handle the load.
Why a vacation abroad has become more attractive
For the Israeli consumer, the dollar exchange rate is not an abstract stock market figure. It directly affects the cost of a family trip: tickets, hotel, car rental, restaurants, shopping, entertainment, excursions.
If the dollar depreciates against the shekel, a foreign vacation begins to be perceived differently. What recently seemed like an expensive or risky decision becomes an option again for a family, couple, or group of friends.
Arkia CEO Oz Berlovich explained in an interview with 103FM that the exchange rate difference can save travelers thousands of shekels compared to the previous season. According to him, it’s not just about the ticket price, but the entire trip budget — from accommodation to shopping.
Israelis are looking at August and the holidays again
After a long period when many Israelis were afraid to book far-off dates in advance, the market is starting to revive. Arkia notes an increase in interest not only in upcoming flights but also in August and the Tishrei holidays.
This is an important psychological signal.
People are starting to plan ahead again. Not for tomorrow or the upcoming weekend, but for the end of summer and autumn. For Israel’s tourism market, this means that demand is gradually returning from a cautious waiting mode to a real purchasing mode.
However, the reason is not only the dollar. Decisions are influenced by the feeling that the region may enter a calmer phase if the negotiation process around Iran indeed progresses.
Ben Gurion remains the main bottleneck
The optimism of airlines faces another reality: Ben Gurion Airport operates under non-standard conditions.
According to the original material, part of the airport’s infrastructure is linked to American military activity in Israel. The head of the Israel Airports Authority, Sharon Kadmi, stated on Kan Reshet Bet that about 70% of the airport’s activity is related to the American presence, and losses are already estimated in the hundreds of millions of shekels.
That’s why such a sharp assessment is voiced: if the load remains too high, about two million Israelis may receive notifications of flight cancellations.
For the Israeli audience, this is not just transport news. It’s a matter of family vacations, business, repatriation trips, visits to relatives, business routes, medical flights, and Israel’s connection to the outside world.
American planes and 72 hours of waiting
The material states that if an agreement between the US and Iran is approved, American military planes will have to leave Ben Gurion in a short time. A scenario of withdrawal within 72 hours to the nearest bases in Europe is being considered.
Some planes, as indicated, have already been moved from the airport grounds to a nearby Israeli Air Force base known as Baha 27, which has been reopened.
This may partially free up space for civil aviation.
But here remains a key condition: if the situation escalates again, military activity can quickly return. That is, the aviation market gets a chance to unload but does not receive a full guarantee of stability.
What this means for passengers from Israel
Currently, Israelis face a double picture. On one hand, foreign trips become more advantageous due to the dollar exchange rate. On the other hand, the very fact of departing from Ben Gurion may depend on security, military logistics, and decisions made not by tourist companies but by states.
NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views this situation as an example of how closely economy, security, and daily life are intertwined in Israel. The same person can see a profitable tour for August in the morning and read in the evening that millions of passengers are potentially at risk of cancellation.
Airlines see demand but do not control the whole picture
Arkia, according to its head, remains optimistic. The company expects that regional calm, the return of foreign carriers, and the release of Ben Gurion’s infrastructure will help restore normal operations.
However, airlines cannot solve the airport load problem alone.
Even if demand grows by hundreds of percent, even if the dollar makes vacations cheaper, even if passengers are ready to book in advance, everything hinges on Ben Gurion’s ability to receive and dispatch flights in the required volume.
For the market, this is a painful paradox: demand returns faster than the infrastructure can emerge from restriction mode.
Antisemitism abroad: fear exists, but no mass changes
Separately, Berlovich commented on Israelis’ concerns about antisemitic incidents in Western countries. According to him, such cases are unpleasant, but in the current work of the airline, they have not led to changes in passenger instructions.
He noted that Arkia operates flights to dozens of destinations and operates 18 aircraft, and regular operational activities continue.
This is an important detail for passengers: fears exist, news of individual incidents affects mood, but according to the company, there are currently no official mass changes in routes and recommendations.
In fact, the main risk for the summer season lies not so much in the foreign destinations themselves but in the operation of the Israeli air hub.
Conclusion: a cheap dollar does not guarantee a calm vacation
Israelis have received a rare combination: a more favorable dollar exchange rate, a growing choice of vacations, and a feeling that the market may start to recover. For families who have postponed trips, this looks like a chance.
But this chance remains fragile.
As long as Ben Gurion operates under military and civilian pressure, any plans for summer and holidays require attention. Booking is possible, but it’s important to read cancellation conditions, follow airline messages, check flight status, and not perceive a low price as a guarantee of a calm trip.
For Israel, this is another reminder: even a vacation here is rarely just a vacation. It goes through the dollar exchange rate, regional security, American presence, negotiations around Iran, and the ability of the country’s main airport to withstand the load.
Israel may be placed on the UN’s ‘blacklist’ regarding sexual violence in conflict zones. This refers to a list of countries, agencies, and armed groups that, according to the UN Secretary-General, are associated with conflict-related sexual violence or are responsible for such practices.
According to The Jerusalem Post on May 28, 2026, Israeli entities, including the Israel Prison Service, may be included in the 2026 list. An official announcement had not been made at the time of publication, but Israeli media had already reported that the decision had been made, causing a sharp reaction from Jerusalem.
For Israel, this is not just another dispute with the UN. Being listed alongside Hamas, ISIS, and other terrorist organizations is perceived in Jerusalem as an attempt to erase the moral difference between a state that is at war after October 7 and entities for which terror, abductions, and violence are part of their method.
What happened on May 28, 2026, and why it became a scandal
On May 28, 2026, The Jerusalem Post reported that the UN is adding Israeli entities to the list related to sexual violence in armed conflicts. The publication specifically noted that Hamas is already on this list, and a country or armed group placed on the UN Secretary-General’s list remains there for at least one year.
The chronology is important here.
In August 2025, UN Secretary-General António Guterres included Hamas in the annual report on sexual violence in conflicts. The basis was findings of crimes committed during the October 7, 2023, attack and the period of holding Israeli hostages in the Gaza Strip.
At that time, Israel received a signal that it might be next in this monitoring mechanism. Reuters reported on August 12, 2025, that Guterres had put Israel ‘on notice’ due to allegations of sexual violence against Palestinian detainees. This did not mean immediate inclusion in the list but a warning: if the UN considers that there are recurring patterns, Israel could be included in the next year’s report.
Now, in May 2026, this scenario, according to Israeli reports, is being realized.
Which entities may be included in the list
According to Israeli media, among the entities expected to be on the 2026 list is the Israel Prison Service. Other Israeli agencies that have come under the UN monitoring system are also mentioned.
Israeli sources claim that Jerusalem has submitted documents, data, and detailed responses to the accusations outlined in reports and draft documents. Moreover, Israel invited representatives of the relevant office to visit the country, come to Jerusalem, and personally study the presented materials.
This moment became central in the Israeli reaction. In Jerusalem, they say: if the state provided answers, opened the door for verification, and offered direct access to information, but the decision is still being advanced, then the issue goes beyond a professional human rights procedure.
Following reports of the decision, Israel announced a freeze in relations with the UN Secretary-General’s office. Israel Hayom reported on May 28, 2026, that Israel’s ambassador to the UN, Danny Danon, announced the cessation of working relations with Guterres’s office after the inclusion of Israeli entities in the list.
Why Israel sees this as a political decision
Israel’s ambassador to the UN, Danny Danon, called the expected decision a moral disgrace. According to him, the UN Secretary-General is placing Israel in the same blacklist as Hamas, ISIS, and the world’s most brutal terrorist organizations.
For Israel, this is a matter of principle not only of reputation but also of the language of international politics.
Sexual violence in war is one of the most serious categories of crimes. It cannot be silenced, devalued, or turned into a subject of propaganda games. But precisely for this reason, according to Israeli logic, any accusations must be checked as strictly as possible: by sources, by procedures, by evidence, by specific cases, and not through a political framework where Israel is preemptively placed alongside terrorists.
After October 7, this is especially sensitive. Hamas was included in the list following evidence of sexual violence during the mass attack on Israel and against hostages. Israel’s position is based on the fact that comparing Israeli state structures with Hamas in the same moral space does not help the victims but destroys trust in the UN mechanism itself.
NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views this story as part of a broader information-diplomatic war around Israel. Today, it is not only what happens on the battlefield or in negotiation rooms that matters. It also matters what words appear in international reports, how these words are then quoted in the media, courts, universities, and political campaigns.
Where is the New York Times and Nicholas Kristof in this
A separate layer of this story is related to Nicholas Kristof’s publication in The New York Times. On May 11, 2026, he wrote a column alleging sexual violence against Palestinian prisoners and detainees by Israeli military and prison guards.
This publication immediately became a loud international occasion. The Guardian reported on May 14, 2026, that Israel announced its intention to file a lawsuit against The New York Times over the material on sexual violence against Palestinian prisoners.
In Israel, Kristof’s article was perceived as part of a campaign in which serious accusations against Israeli entities are spread at a time when the country itself is seeking recognition of Hamas’s crimes on October 7. Critics of the material pointed to questions about the sources, the format of the publication, and the fact that the text appeared in the opinion section but began to function as a factual document in the international agenda.
Meanwhile, The New York Times, according to Western media reports, defended the publication and insisted that the material had been vetted. Supporters of the publication argued that the allegations regarding Palestinian prisoners require investigation and cannot be dismissed simply because they are uncomfortable to discuss.
This is where the conflict becomes particularly acute. One side speaks of the need to verify serious accusations. The other — that such accusations are used without sufficient context and become a tool of political pressure on Israel.
Why this UN list is important for the Israeli audience
For Israel, being included in such a list is not just a line in an annual report. It is a potential basis for further diplomatic attacks, resolutions, legal initiatives, boycott campaigns, and pressure on Israeli officials, military, prison system, and security structures.
What is particularly dangerous is that international documents live longer than the news cycle. Today it is a headline. Tomorrow — a quote in a human rights organization’s report. In a month — an argument in parliamentary debates in Europe. In a year — part of a lawsuit, a university campaign, or a media accusation against Israel.
Therefore, Jerusalem reacts so harshly to UN formulations. In Israel, it is believed that the organization has long lost neutrality on issues related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and is now using one of the most painful topics — sexual violence — in a political context.
But there is another side. If specific accusations are made against Israeli officials or agencies, they must be investigated. A state that demands recognition of Hamas’s crimes from the world is itself interested in ensuring that all suspicions regarding its structures are examined transparently, professionally, and without silence.
The difference is that verification and political equalization are not the same.
What will happen next
If the inclusion of Israeli entities in the list is officially confirmed, Israel will likely continue its diplomatic attack on the UN Secretary-General’s office. The freezing of relations with Guterres’s office already shows that Jerusalem does not intend to perceive this as a routine bureaucratic procedure.
The question will then be whether Israel can present its evidential line to allies: what data was submitted to the UN, what accusations are being contested, what checks have already been conducted, where there are real cases, and where, according to Israel, a politically assembled picture exists.
For the UN, this is also a test. If the organization wants its reports to be perceived as a tool for protecting victims, it will have to explain why Israel ended up on the same list as Hamas and ISIS, and how verified facts are separated from political pressure.
Meanwhile, in Israel, the conclusion sounds harsh: the UN is not just assessing accusations but creating a new international framework in which Israel is being placed alongside terrorist organizations. And this is what Jerusalem calls not justice, but moral blurring.
